After the Carnage
Women in Postconflict
Cambodia
by
Krishna Kumar, sector team leader, USAID
Hannah Baldwin, humanitarian assistance adviser, DevTech Systems Inc.
Judy Benjamin, International Rescue Committee
U.S. Agency for International Development
Center for Development Information and Evaluation
United States Agency for International Development
Washington
February 2000
USAID Evaluation Special Study No. 83
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
The Country Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Conflict and Cambodian Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Women’s Organizations in Postconflict Cambodia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Impact of Women’s Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Women’s Organizations 
and the International Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Lessons for the International Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Selected Reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S1
Contents
AS A PART of its multicountry
evaluation of gender issues in
postconflict societies, USAID’S
Center for Development Information and
Evaluation undertook a case study of
Cambodia. That country was embroiled in
turmoil from 1970, when warfare broke
out between government forces and
communist Khmer Rouge guerrillas, and
1979, when Vietnamese troops overthrew
the Khmer autarky. This case study was
designed to answer three sets of questions:
1. What has been the impact of the
prolonged conflict on women? How did
the conflict affect their economic, social,
and political roles and responsibilities?
What are the major problems and
challenges facing women in postconflict
Cambodia? 
2. What types of women’s organizations
have emerged in the postconflict era to
address the problems faced by women and
to promote gender equality? What unique
contribution do women’s organizations
make? What has contributed to their
establishment and growth? What types of
activities do they undertake? What have
been their overall impacts? What factors
affect their performance? 
3. What has been the nature and goal of
assistance provided by USAID and other
donor agencies to women’s organizations?
How has the assistance affected their
priorities and sustainability?
CDIE followed a multistage research
methodology. First, it undertook a
systematic review of project and program
documents, reports of the international
agencies, and relevant academic
publications on Cambodia. Once the
review was completed, CDIE
commissioned a background paper on
women’s organizations by a Canadian
scholar working in Cambodia. The paper
provided detailed information about the
nature and functioning of women’s
organizations. It also helped sharpen the
scope of inquiry.
Finally, in January 1999, CDIE sent a
three-person team to Cambodia for
fieldwork. The team visited 28
organizations, interviewed more than 40
key informants, and conducted four focus
group discussions with program
beneficiaries. In addition, the team met
with senior officials of the Cambodian
government, the U.S. ambassador, the
USAID mission director, and senior USAID
staff. It also collected documents, records,
and other publications not available in
Washington. 
This case study is based on the data,
information, and ideas gathered from the
above sources. Regarding women’s issues,
it draws 10 major lessons from the
Cambodian experience:
1. Internal conflict on the scale that took
place in Cambodia leaves deep scars on
the national psyche. There is a need for
comprehensive, targeted gender policies
and programs.
2.The war created a manpower
shortage, opening new economic and
political opportunities for women (except
during the Khmer Rouge era, when
economic activity was prohibited).
During a transition, donors should build
on such gains.
chapter 1
Introduction
2 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
3.Education and training of women and
their participation in refugee camp activities
can prepare them to assume leadership
roles in postconflict societies. The
international community should support
education and training programs for
women in refugee camps, enabling women
to acquire new skills, experience, and vision
to help reconstruct gender relations—and
their country—upon their return to society.
4.Newly founded women’s
organizations in postconflict societies can
implement a wide range of programs
funded by the international community.
When donors do not want to administer
assistance either through the government or
international nongovernmental
organizations, indigenous women’s
organizations can provide a viable option.
5.The international community can help
establish women’s organizations in
postconflict societies. Such organizations
can develop local roots and gain political
legitimacy despite their dependence on
international resources.
6.In the impoverished condition of
typical postconflict countries, women’s
organizations will have to depend on
foreign donors for years to come; they
cannot become economically sustainable
within the usual target of five to seven
years. The yearly funding cycle causes these
organizations to spend most of their time
writing proposals and reporting on results.
Donors should shift to multiyear funding,
allowing the groups to concentrate on their
core empowerment work.
7.Women’s organizations provide an
important setting for women to gain self￾respect and participate in decision￾making. Thus the international
community should support the growth of
women in postconflict societies not only to
channel assistance to needy populations
but also to socially empower women.
8.International nongovernmental
organizations observed that women’s
organizations did not understand the
importance of monitoring program
activities, nor did they know how to
conduct effective evaluations. Yet these
activities are fundamental to developing
local capacity to respond effectively to the
needs of beneficiaries. Therefore, the
international community should
undertake to build monitoring and
evaluation capacity within women’s
organizations.
9.Donors have paid little attention to
continuity or developing expertise in a
given area, settling instead on a flavor-of￾the-month approach. As donors develop
new priorities, they must not overlook the
continuing needs in previous sectors,
except when problems have been solved. 
10. Many Cambodian women’s
organizations spend considerable
resources on spacious offices, four￾wheel-drive vehicles, and unnecessary
support staff. Often their expectations
and operations are not congruent with
the realities of the situation in-country.
The international donor community
needs to foster a realistic and affordable
vision for women’s organizations. It
should emphasize utilization of local
resources, modeled at an appropriate
level, such as local government agencies.
In the
impoverished
condition of
typical
postconflict
countries,
women’s
organizations
will have to
depend on
foreign donors
for years to
come; they
cannot become
economically
sustainable
within the usual
target of five to
seven years. 
‘
’
A COUNTRY OF 11 million people,
Cambodia has been a victim of the
Vietnam War and the genocidal
regime of the Khmer Rouge under dictator
Pol Pot. Few other countries in recent
history have experienced such agony,
wholesale destruction of their social fabric,
and utter devastation of their economic
and political systems. Between 1969 and
1993, the country suffered clandestine
military operations by the North
Vietnamese and the Viet Cong, massive
carpet bombing by the United States,
genocide under the Maoist Khmer Rouge,
large-scale internal migration, invasion by
Vietnam, and recurring guerrilla attacks by
the defeated Khmer Rouge and their allies.
Only after 1993 did Cambodians begin to
live in relative peace. That the country has
survived and has begun reconstruction is a
tribute to both the resilience of its people
and the generosity of the international
community. 
NATURE AND HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT
Until 1954, Cambodia was a French
protectorate. As in much of Indochina, the
French did little to promote the country’s
economic or social development.
Cambodia had few schools, fewer
hospitals, and a minimal economic
infrastructure at the time of independence.
Most of the population were subsistence
farmers. As there was no shortage of land,
which people could easily obtain for rice
cultivation, little social and economic
differentiation existed in the countryside. 
After independence, the situation began
to change. The new government, led by
King Norodom Sihanouk,*
launched modest
social and political reforms, significantly
expanded educational opportunities, and
initiated economic development programs.
It promoted mass literacy and sent its
brightest students for higher education in
France. There, many came under the
influence of communism and later led the
revolutionary movement against the
government itself. 
The government followed a policy of
neutrality in international affairs,
refusing to be drawn into the Indochinese
war that engulfed the region. This was a
pragmatic policy dictated by national
interest. As compared with its powerful
neighbors, the country had few political
and military resources, much less a
strong economic base. Moreover, the
government was concerned that
alignment would mean involvement in
the developing conflict. But North
Vietnamese regulars and Viet Cong
guerrillas clandestinely used the
country’s eastern borders as sanctuaries
from which to launch attacks on South
Vietnam. In retaliation, and with the tacit
approval of Sihanouk, the United States
chapter 2
*A word of explanation is in order about the odyssey of this once and future king’s royal titles. In 1941, the
Saigon- and Paris-educated aristocrat was elected king by a royal council. He held that title until 1955, when
he abdicated the throne in favor of his father, Norodom Suramarit. After Suramarit’s death in 1960, Sihanouk
again became head of state, although now with the title of prince. Overthrown by a rightist coup d’état in
1970, he went into exile in China. (He returned to Cambodia briefly to become chief of state under the Khmer
Rouge, only, in short order, to be placed under house arrest, after which he decamped to China.) Sihanouk
returned to Cambodia in 1991 as chief of state after the signing of a UN-sponsored peace treaty. In 1993, under
a new constitution, he became, once again, king.
The Country Conflict
4 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
began secret bombing of communist
bases in 1969. The bombing continued
until 1973. 
In 1970, right-leaning elements within
Cambodia’s military and political elite led
by the prime minister, Gen. Lon Nol, staged
a coup against the government of Prince
Sihanouk. The new government pursued a
strong anticommunist policy, aligning itself
with South Vietnam and the United States.
As bombing increased, the communist
forces moved deeper into the countryside,
which in turn led to more bombing in the
interior. The escalation uprooted millions of
people, who flooded the cities in search of
protection and peace. 
Torn by infighting and rampant
corruption, the Lon Nol government
remained both indifferent and ineffective in
providing assistance to Cambodia’s
suffering people. Consequently, a Maoist
insurgency movement, the Khmer Rouge,
gained ground in the countryside. The
insurgents were armed and trained by the
North Vietnamese. Gradually, large parts of
the countryside fell into the hands of the
Khmer Rouge, and many provincial
capitals were cut off from Phnom Penh. On
17 April 1975, two weeks before the fall of
Saigon, the Khmer Rouge took complete
control of the country. They implemented
the most radical and brutal restructuring of
Cambodian society in the country’s history. 
In its first major act, the Khmer Rouge
ordered the evacuation of the capital and
all provincial towns. They forced all
residents—even hospital patients—to
move to the countryside. The Khmer
summarily executed those who resisted or
were unable to move. Thousands died in
this forced migration. 
The Khmer Rouge obsessively
distrusted anyone who exhibited
autonomy or introspection. The regime
demanded nothing less than complete
control of its citizens’ thoughts, achieved
through fear, repression, and
indoctrination. They severed links with the
outside world by denying people access to
mail, radio, telephone, and other forms of
mass communication. They abolished
money. They closed schools and
universities. Those suspected of working
with the previous regime suddenly
disappeared. Perceived as enemies of the
state, the educated—teachers, doctors, and
other professionals—met the same fate.
The Khmer Rouge carried out systematic
ethnic cleansing (against ethnic
Vietnamese and Chinese) and what has
been termed autogenocide. Estimates of
the dead during the Khmer Rouge’s
sanguinary 42-month reign range from 1
million to 3 million, out of a 1975
population of 7.3 million.
The Khmer Rouge attempted to wipe
out religion. They also sought to undermine
the institution of the family. Children were
often separated from their families. When
not separated, they were encouraged to spy
on their parents. The Khmer Rouge also
promoted mass weddings in which young
men and women were randomly selected
for marriages. Cumulatively, these policies
led to a disintegration of the institution of
the family. 
While Cambodian society endured
horrific suffering on the domestic front, the
Khmer Rouge’s irredentist designs on
Vietnam would soon lead to turmoil on an
international level. Combined with the
persecution of indigenous Vietnamese, the
Khmer Rouge’s claims on various parts of
southern Vietnam led to heated border
clashes in which hundreds of Vietnamese
civilians were killed. Vietnam retaliated by
invading Cambodia. It toppled the Pol Pot
regime on 7 January 1979. Vietnam
installed a new, essentially totalitarian
government friendly to its interests. 
Establishment of a new regime failed to
bring peace, however. Guerrilla warfare
soon erupted, as the Khmer Rouge,
supported by China, launched operations
in the north. Thus fueled, the warfare
continued for another nine years, draining
the country’s capital and human resources. 
Estimates of the
dead during the
Khmer Rouge’s
sanguinary 42-
month reign
range from 1
million to 3
million, out of a
1975 population
of 7.3 million.
‘
’
The Country Conflict 5
With the end of the Cold War, the major
powers finally initiated diplomatic efforts
to bring peace to Cambodia. These efforts
culminated in the formulation of a peace
plan in 1989. The plan called on the
different factions to disarm and form an
interim coalition government under Prince
Sihanouk. It also stipulated that the United
Nations would establish a body, the UN
Transitional Authority in Cambodia, to
supervise the government and to organize
free and fair elections. Despite many
problems, the plan was implemented in
1993, with UNTAC succeeding in holding
national elections. At 90 percent, voter
turnout was remarkably high. A
constitutional monarchy was formed, with
Norodom Sihanouk named as king. 
THE PRESENT SITUATION
Cambodia is now a constitutional
monarchy. Although its written
constitution guarantees civil and political
rights to all citizens irrespective of race,
color, religion, creed, or sex, in practice
much remains to be accomplished. The
executive is responsible to a unicameral
National Assembly elected every five
years. The country has three major political
parties. The public bureaucracy is fragile,
and its effectiveness and efficiency are
severely compromised by a shortage of
trained personnel, extremely low salaries,
widespread corruption, and political
interference.
Civil society has also emerged in this
postconflict period. More than a hundred
indigenous voluntary organizations
engage in activities ranging from human
rights monitoring to rural development.
Although largely dependent on external
assistance, these organizations symbolize
the emergence of a civil society that could
serve as a buffer between the state and its
citizens. A relatively free press has also
emerged. Although it lacks professionalism
and journalists sometimes suffer
government intimidation, the press enjoys
more freedom than its counterparts in
neighboring countries. 
Since 1992 the country has witnessed a
modest growth in its gross national
product, which has slightly outpaced
population growth. The rate of economic
growth ranged from 4.1 in 1993 to 7.6 in
1995. But the growth rate declined to 2
percent in 1997 because of an internal
political crisis and the economic meltdown
in Asia. As both crises have passed, the
economic picture for the future looks
brighter. With a per capita annual income
of $300, though, the country clearly
remains one of the poorest in Asia.
Table 2.1. Cambodia at a Glance
General
Size 181,040 square kilometers
Population 10.5 million
Population growth rate 2.7%
Female population 53%
Ethnic composition
Khmer 90%
Vietnamese 5%
Chinese 1%
Others 4%
Religion Buddhism
Social
Total fertility rate 5.81
Life expectancy 54 years
Adult literacy rates
Female literacy 53%
Male literacy 80%
Infant mortality 106 out of 1,000 live births
Political
Form of government constitutional monarchy
Civil Society Organizations 100+
Press and electronic media relatively free
Economic
Gross national product (US$billions) 3.2
Per capita income (US$) 300
Per capita GDP (US$) 715
Average annual growth rate (1990–96) 6.5%
Growth rate in agriculture (1990–96) 2.1%
Growth rate in manufacturing (1990–96) 7.8%
Growth rate in service (1990–96) 8.6%
Sources: World Development Indicators (1998), UNDP Gender-Related
Development Index (1998).
6 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
Agriculture provides employment to 78
percent of the people; industry and service
sectors account for the remaining 5 and 18
percent, respectively. Indeed, agriculture
has served as an employment buffer,
absorbing a disproportionate share of the
increase in the labor force. In the absence of
improved farm technologies, both
production and productivity remain low,
far inferior to that of neighboring countries. 
Cambodia has much to do to build a
stable political order and before sustainable
economic growth can be laid. Three decades
of war and bloodshed have devastated its
society. The road to recovery and
reconstruction is bound to be long. 
USAID’S ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS
Since the beginning of the peace process,
USAID has been involved in rebuilding the
war-shattered nation. In addition to
providing humanitarian assistance, USAID
has designed its programming to promote
democratic governance and sustainable
growth. The Agency provided critical
procedural assistance during the first
national elections in 1993. It also assisted in
strengthening political parties before and
after the elections. In addition, the Agency
initiated an extensive program to reform
and rebuild the legal system. The program
included a nationwide court reform
program, introduction of public defenders,
legal education for lawyers and students,
and assistance to the new National
Assembly.
USAID has also worked with the Asia
Foundation to strengthen the institutional
capacity of indigenous civil society
organizations. Four major women’s
organizations have received economic
assistance from USAID through the Asia
Foundation. To promote economic growth,
the Agency first turned to the pressing
need of demining and reconstructing roads
throughout Cambodia. By 1998 it had
supported the rehabilitation of 300
kilometers (186 miles) of major roads
throughout the country. Other programs
involved microfinance projects and
training in entrepreneurial skills, benefiting
over 50,000 people. 
The Agency has also funded programs in
health, education, and the environment. The
Cambodia Environmental Management
project, sponsored through Care
International, helped design and implement
a major multidonor conservation strategy.
The project also helped establish a
community reforestation program and
launched an environmental awareness and
community education project. 
In 1994, USAID initiated a broad,
countrywide effort to retrain primary
teachers. The initiative built on a
successful program begun earlier to train
faculty and develop curriculum at the
Faculty of Business. The Agency also
worked closely with the Ministry of
Education to develop and refine the
government’s investment plans for the
education sector. Moreover, USAID funded
studies on impediments to and strategies
for increasing girls’ participation in
primary schools. 
The Agency has been at the forefront of
donor assistance in maternal and child
health. It has worked with the Ministry of
Health and local nongovernmental
organizations to design and implement
birth spacing and HIV/AIDS testing and
prevention policies. It helped develop a
dengue hemorrhagic fever program and
Cambodia’s first private reproductive
center. Furthermore, it has provided
prosthetic limbs, physical therapy, and
vocational training to thousands of
landmine victims. 
Cambodia has
much to do to
build a stable
political order
and before
sustainable
economic growth
can be laid.
Three decades of
war and
bloodshed have
devastated its
society. The road
to recovery and
reconstruction is
bound to be long. 
‘
’
BEFORE WE DISCUSS the effects of three
decades of war and genocide on
women, we make three general
observations: 
First, the tragedy has profoundly
affected both men and women. Both sexes
have suffered from the poverty, the pain,
and the brutal violence inflicted on them.
However, because of traditional
hierarchical structures, sexual division of
labor, and differential access to economic
and political power, the war has in some
ways affected men and women differently. 
Second, the effects of the conflict on
men and women have been mediated by a
number of interacting factors and
conditions. For example, the abject
poverty exacerbated by the war has
compounded many adverse effects of the
conflict, but poverty itself was a
contributing factor to the war. 
Finally, the conflict has had both
positive and negative effects for women.
While the conflict has caused vast
suffering among women, it has also led to
new opportunities for some. In particular,
it has undermined the traditional
hierarchical structure of the society,
opening the way for more balanced
gender relationships. 
EFFECTS OF THE CONFLICT
Trauma and Disability
Hundreds of thousands of women have
personally experienced and been
traumatized by the brutalities of war, such
as cruelty, extreme violence, forced
migration, sexual abuse, and separation
from loved ones. Psychologists debate
whether Cambodians show the symptoms
of what is commonly called posttraumatic
stress disorder. Such symptoms typically
include depression, listlessness, chronic
fatigue, mental anguish, psychological
disabilities, and recurrent recollection of
traumatic incidents. Some experts have
observed an absence of these symptoms
among Cambodians, and they have
concluded that posttraumatic stress
disorder has not affected the postconflict
population. Others, however, have
suggested that trauma is widespread but
that its behavioral manifestations differ
dramatically from society to society. In
Cambodia, religious beliefs, the notion of
karma, societal relationships, and other
cultural norms have tempered the most
extreme expressions of posttraumatic
stress disorder (Boyden and Gibbs 1997).
In interviews and focus groups, women
mentioned their high levels of stress and
the profound sorrow they experienced.
They were deeply moved by the
recollection of traumatic war experiences
and often were unable to contain their
emotions. Despite these problems, women
have been valiantly trying to take charge
of their lives. They have found solace in
religion, in public rituals, and in family.
Some women who experienced sexual
assaults have regained self-esteem by
performing a culturally approved
cleansing ceremony in Buddhist temples.
For others, the challenge of survival has
helped overcome their trauma. 
Where rape was used as a weapon of
terror and intimidation in countries such
as Angola, Bosnia, Mozambique, and
Rwanda, it has been a source of personal
chapter 3
Conflict and Cambodian Women
8 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
anguish to thousands of victims. Rape
was not the policy in Cambodia, and the
magnitude of this problem has not been as
severe. But two psychologists who
studied the subject have concluded that
rape and sexual violence were commonly
practiced by Khmer Rouge officials and
frequently occurred during the migration
of refugees to the Thai border. Moreover,
single women were highly vulnerable in
the refugee camps (Marcus 1995). We
know little about the plight of women
who were raped and sexually abused
during the conflict, but most of the victims
of such crimes have rarely sought outside
help. They prefer to remain anonymous
out of fear of social stigma.
The situation for women disabled by
land mines likewise has remained
tenuous. During and immediately after
the war, thousands of people were killed
or lost their limbs to land mines. Most
were men; only 5 to 7 percent were
women. Anecdotal evidence indicates that
women usually face more difficulties in
obtaining treatment and prostheses. Often
they are too poor to travel, or family
members are reluctant to take them to the
city for physical therapy and
rehabilitation. As they are unable to
perform their personal and family chores,
disabled women are not treated well by
others. Often the married victims have
been left by their husbands and have little
or no means of support.
Status and Role in Family
The conflict affected the institution of
family in at least three profound ways.
First, the Khmer Rouge sought to
undermine family cohesion and redefine
the roles of family members. They
assigned men and women the same tasks
in agriculture, irrigation, and other
activities. The regime encouraged family
members to spy on one another, and in
many parts of the country during 1977–79,
it even collectivized cooking and
childcare. It organized marriages between
randomly selected people without the
consent of their families. The cumulative
effects of Khmer Rouge policies on the
family have been devastating. 
Second, the large-scale movements of
populations resulting from carpet
bombing, forced evacuation of cities by
the Khmer Rouge, and the guerrilla war
on the Thai border contributed to the
disintegration of many families.
Thousands of families were separated
during the forced migration. Often,
husbands drifted away under physical
and psychological stress, abandoning
their wives and children. 
Finally, the high casualties of young
men in combat resulted in a demographic
imbalance. There was a surplus of
“women of marriageable age” during the
1980s and early 1990s. 
As suggested by two analysts
(Ledgerwood 1996, Frieson 1998), these
developments led to a decline of women’s
status in the family. Before the war, women
had enjoyed an honored position in the
family. Kinship was traced through both
husband and wife. Moreover, after the
marriage, men usually lived with the
parents of their wives. Thus, women
enjoyed the emotional and material support
of their families and friends, strengthening
their position in the marriage. The
traditional status of women was damaged
by the surplus of “women of marriage age”
during and after the war. Because of the
postconflict demographic imbalance, men
have found themselves in a better
bargaining position. They have been able to
offer lower bride prices and easily divorce
their spouses and find new wives. 
Faced with this situation, many women
have preferred to become second and
third wives rather than remain unmarried
(Ledgerwood 1996). The decline of
women’s status was repeatedly raised in
focus groups and interviews. Women
participants often told the team of
evaluators from USAID’s Center for
Development Information and Evaluation
The high
casualties of
young men
in combat
resulted in a
demographic
imbalance.
There was a
surplus of
“women of
marriageable
age” during the
1980s and early
1990s. 
‘
’
Conflict and Cambodian Women 9
that women are no longer treated the way
they used to be. Many women, especially
those of the war generation, are concerned
about their social status and how it has
changed. 
High rates of domestic violence against
women have been reported throughout
the country. A recent survey conducted in
Phnom Penh and six provinces found that
16 percent of women respondents were
physically abused by their husbands, and
half of them sustained injuries as a result
of the abuse (MWA 1996). In another study,
the Cambodian Women’s Crisis Center
noted that more than 27 percent of women
were battered by a member of their
household, usually the spouse (CWCC
1999). Participants in focus groups also
indicated that wife and child beatings
have become widespread. Many
respondents attributed the domestic
violence to the prolonged bloodshed and a
subsequent decline in women’s status.
Such a subculture condones violent
behavior—so much that people begin to
view it as a normal occurrence.
The conflict also resulted in the growth
of women-headed households, a
phenomenon uncommon in the past.
Recent statistics indicate that women
presently head between 25 and 30 percent
of Cambodia’s households (UNDP 1998). In
such households, the traditional division
of labor between men and women has
become blurred, as women have assumed
roles normally undertaken by men. They
discipline sons, build or repair houses,
deal with community leaders and
government officials, and fulfill religious
and social obligations expected from the
male members. More important, they
have become the sole support for the
family and make critical decisions about
family members. 
Female-headed households usually
face severe economic and social
difficulties. Female farmers, for example,
persistently face labor shortages for heavy
agricultural operations. They are rarely in
a position to hire outside laborers,
depending instead on the generosity of
distant relatives and friends. Although
traditional laws provide for the ownership
of land, women tend to encounter
difficulties in legitimizing their claims and
in obtaining access to necessary
agricultural inputs. They also find it
difficult to get a fair price for the
marketable surplus. Social impediments
arise because the female heads of
households are not readily accepted in the
community. Men may be embarrassed to
interact publicly with single women. Still
others try to take unfair advantage of their
situation. Married women in the
community often look at them with
suspicion, if not hostility. In focus groups,
single women told the team that with the
rise of polygamy, married women in the
community were suspicious of their
intentions and concerned they might
attract their spouses. 
Despite these difficulties, female￾headed households may be better off in
their living standards than male-headed
households. A recent survey found that
the incidence of poverty is 37 percent in
male-headed households and only 33
percent in female-headed households
(UNDP 1998). This finding contradicts
conventional wisdom. 
Several explanations have been given
for this unexpected finding. Female￾headed households include many that
have an elderly woman as the head but
also have grown sons with their wives
and children, or grown daughters with
their husbands and children. Hence, many
“female-headed households” may include
relatively prosperous extended
households. In research that accounted for
this, female-headed households without
male labor had the smallest landholdings,
the lowest income, and the smallest
holdings of farm animals (Ledgerwood
1994.) Moreover, lower poverty rates
might reflect a lower dependency burden.
Absent of husbands, families are likely to
have fewer children. Another explanation
High rates of
domestic
violence against
women have
been reported
throughout
the country. 
A recent survey
conducted in
Phnom Penh
and six
provinces found
that 16 percent 
of women
respondents
were physically
abused by their
husbands.
‘
’
10 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
points to the fact that the average age of
the female head is higher than that of a
male head, and in Cambodia the incidence
of poverty declines with the age of the
head of the household beyond age 35.
Finally, women may simply be more
adept at developing a wide range of
economic activities in the informal sector.
Social Contract and Interpersonal Trust
Social scientists often suggest that conflict
and totalitarian political systems
undermine interpersonal trust and
community participation. They believe
that these experiences socialize people
into thinking that others—neighbors,
friends, coworkers—will take undue
advantage of them. In focus groups and
individual meetings during CDIE’s
fieldwork in Cambodia, many women
participants directly or indirectly
confirmed this phenomenon. They
complained about a lack of trust and
unwillingness to help in times of need.
Some recalled with nostalgia preconflict
days, when people shared with and
assisted friends and neighbors. Poverty
seems to be a driving force behind this
issue: where there is no surplus, sharing
may mean hunger. 
This problem has had a profound effect
on microcredit programs in Cambodia. It
is noteworthy that the average size of self￾help groups for credit ranges from three to
five—low, compared with other
developing countries. A number of
women indicated they would join only
immediate family members for group
credit programs. Because of the difficulty
of persuading unrelated individuals to
work together, credit groups have
established new requirements. Relatives
may be members of the same economic
group, but they must physically live in
separate households.
Economic Burdens and Opportunities
Although the conflict imposed economic
hardships on women, it also opened new
opportunities to participate in the
economic sphere. Because of the mass
mobilization of men into the military,
mass killing, and increased labor demand
for war and rehabilitation work, women
were forced to undertake activities and
perform economic roles that had been
restricted to men. This led to the
undermining of the traditional sexual
division of labor that had characterized
Cambodian society.
Historically, men and women worked
together in agriculture, particularly in
cultivating rice. Men were generally
responsible for heavy tasks such as
plowing and harrowing, whereas women
transplanted seedlings from seedbeds to
the fields. The remaining tasks—
harvesting, transporting, and threshing—
were jointly done depending on
convenience. 
Women were also responsible for
grinding rice and transporting it to the
mill. The temporary or permanent
absence of the male members of the
household during the war put a heavy
strain on this division of labor. Often
women had to perform all agricultural
tasks by themselves. The situation has
somewhat eased in recent years as the
army has demobilized and young adults
born in the early 1980s have entered the
labor force. Still, many female heads of
households with insufficient funds to hire
laborers have difficulty obtaining
assistance. They must plow and harrow
the fields themselves. 
During the conflict, women made
significant employment gains in the
industrial sector. Before the democratic
transition, most workers in state industrial
enterprises were women. According to
Ledgerwood (1996), 7,137 of 10,693
employees were women. Women
constituted a majority of workers in textile
and salt production and nearly half the
employees in the rubber industry. With the
transition to a market economy, the
ownership of many of these enterprises
Some recalled
with nostalgia
preconflict days,
when people
shared with and
assisted friends
and neighbors.
Poverty seems to
be a driving force
behind this
issue: where
there is no
surplus, sharing
may mean
hunger.
‘
’
Conflict and Cambodian Women 11
passed into private hands. It is not clear
how the change in ownership has affected
male and female workers. Increased
numbers of men did enter into the labor
market. Nonetheless, in the garment
industry, which has emerged as the largest
industrial employer, women still constitute
90 percent of the work force (UNDP 1998). 
Women have traditionally dominated
petty trading in Cambodia. They sell fish,
vegetables, fruits and flowers, and cakes
and other food cooked at home. Many
women initiated such ventures, which
require little capital investment. Women
continued to engage in petty trading
throughout the war years. (The only
exception was the Khmer Rouge era, when
the leadership prohibited all economic
transactions.) However, Cambodians’
limited purchasing power prevented any
rapid expansion of petty trading during the
conflict. The situation changed with the
arrival of thousands of officials and staff
from the United Nations, nongovernmental
organizations, and other international
agencies. They dramatically increased the
flow of cash into the economy. These highly
paid expatriates stimulated a demand for
goods and services, increasing the demand
for petty trading by women. Consequently,
a thriving informal sector emerged in
Phnom Penh and other cities, a sector that
continues today. 
The presence of a large number of
expatriates, especially UN peacekeepers,
also led to a rapid growth in another
industry—prostitution. While prostitution
had existed in the past, it had been hidden.
To meet the demands of the expatriates,
many entrepreneurs openly set up brothels,
which were soon frequented by local
customers as well, institutionalizing the
phenomenon. Initially these brothels
imported commercial sex workers from
Vietnam and Thailand, but soon they were
also recruiting from the countryside.
According to a recent study, more than
14,000 women work as prostitutes. Girls
under 18 make up more than 15 percent of
these sex workers (UNDP 1998). Poverty
compels many destitute women to seek
their livelihood in commercial sex work.
Many impoverished families sell their
daughters into prostitution, sacrificing one
for the survival of the family. Young women
are often tricked into prostitution with the
promise of good jobs and high salaries. The
large number of internally displaced
persons—generally people without land
access, lacking community ties, and having
a high proportion of female-headed
families—constitutes a major vulnerable
group. Such women and girls may feel that
the relatively high economic returns
outweigh the risks. Whatever the reason,
there is no shortage of workers for the large
commercial sex industry, an unfortunate
legacy of international intervention in the
country. 
Political Participation
As in many war-torn societies, women’s
involvement in the political arena
increased during the conflict. Although a
few women did occupy important
positions in the Sihanouk government, the
Khmer Rouge were the first to organize
women at the grass-roots level. Khmer
Rouge leaders established a women’s
wing of the Communist Party of
Kampuchea in the late 1960s. In turn, this
wing organized women’s groups in rural
and urban areas. We know little about the
inner workings of the women’s wing and
its units at the local levels. Frieson (1998),
however, does state that it was responsible
for “organizing women’s support, taking
on important rear-guard roles in the
military conflict against the Phnom Penh
regime.” Once the Khmer Rouge came to
power, the women’s wing assumed more
power and prestige and became another
instrument of political repression and
intimidation.
The communist regime that succeeded
the Khmer Rouge took major steps to
enhance women’s participation in the
political process. It promoted women to
leadership positions in commune
solidarity groups. Some scholars have
The presence of 
a large number
of expatriates,
especially UN
peacekeepers,
also led to a
rapid growth in
another
industry—
prostitution.
‘
’
12 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
suggested that the regime did so mainly
because men were reluctant to serve in
these groups, as officeholders received no
salary (Frieson 1998). 
Though perhaps true on certain fronts,
this was not the only reason for granting
women positions of leadership. Like many
communist regimes, the government was
committed to promoting gender equality.
In any case, the leadership of solidarity
groups conferred political and social power
upon female incumbents and expanded
their political horizons. In addition, women
were represented at the highest levels in
the Communist Party and the government.
One women served as a member of the
politburo while five others participated on
the 31-member Party Central Committee.
In addition, in 1988 there were 21 female
members in the 117-member National
Assembly (Ledgerwood 1996). While
women, like men, did not enjoy political
freedom, they did have a role in the
decision-making process at the local and
national levels.
The situation began to change during
the transition to democracy. In a major
irony linked to the peace process,
women’s political participation has
declined rather than increased during the
transition. Only five women, for example,
were elected to the new National
Assembly in 1993. Although women
constituted 56 percent of the registered
voters, only 5 percent of all competing
candidates were women. The first
democratically elected government had
not a single woman at the ministerial
level. There were only five female
undersecretaries of state. None of the
provincial governments was woman
headed (Ledgerwood 1996). It is likely
that war fatigue, political disenchantment,
the unstable economic situation, and the
assertion of the Khmer identity with its
emphasis on women’s traditional roles
have contributed to this phenomenon. 
There are signs that after the initial
disenfranchisement, women have begun
to take a slightly greater interest in
politics. They are becoming more active at
the national, provincial, and local levels.
During the 1998 elections, major political
parties fielded more women candidates
than in the previous one, and 5 of the 39
political parties vying for a seat were
headed by a woman. The number of
women elected to the National Assembly
has doubled, from 5 to 10. There are now
two women ministers in the national
government and four state secretaries. At
the local level, women now head nearly 10
percent of the Village Development
Councils.
The above discussion shows that the
effects of the conflict have been all￾pervasive. The war has touched all major
aspects of women’s lives, affecting their
psychological well-being, family roles,
interpersonal relationships, economic
activities, and participation in the political
arena. Women have taken on increased
economic responsibility for their families
at the same time their social position has
eroded. 
While the conflict imposed untold
suffering on women, one must also
recognize that it opened space for their
increased participation in various aspects
of their collective life. It remains too early
to tell, though, whether the opportunities
created by the conflict will continue or
whether there will be increasing pressures
for women to return to traditional
subservient roles. Further, there are some
weak indications that with the easing of
tensions, increased social and economic
stability, and the rise of a younger
generation unmarked by the excesses of
war, many of the economic advances
made by women may be reversed. As
more men enter the work force, women
might face greater competition in
agriculture and industry. 
GENDER ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
In light of the foregoing discussion, we
mention here a few problem areas that
In a major irony
linked to the
peace process,
women’s
political
participation
has declined
rather than
increased
during the
transition.
‘
’
Conflict and Cambodian Women 13
require concerted attention by the
government, by international donor
agencies, and, above all, by women’s
organizations. The list is illustrative and
not comprehensive. 
Poverty remains the foremost problem.
Estimates indicate as few as 28 percent or
as many as 40 percent of Cambodians live
below the poverty line. Without sustained
economic growth, the adverse social and
economic effects of the conflict cannot be
mitigated, and new opportunities for
women’s advancement cannot be created.
Vulnerable women urgently need to be
provided with skills, training, and credit
so they can become self-sufficient,
productive members of the society. 
Literacy and education rates for
women and girls continue to be a
problem. Only 53 percent of women are
literate, compared with 80 percent of men
(UNDP 1998). The enrollment rate for girls
in primary and secondary education is
extremely low. Less than half of all girls
begin primary school, and the average
length of schooling is four years for the
entire population. There is a rapid drop in
the percentage of girls entering secondary
school, and two thirds of all girls abandon
their studies before completing high
school. Women make up only 10 percent
of the university student body. 
Several factors shed light on the high
dropout rates. Girls are needed at home to
assist families in household chores and to
look after younger siblings. Some parents
see limited value in higher education for
daughters whom they expect to marry
and be supported by their husbands.
Others, anxious to marry their daughters
early, are concerned that schooling may
delay it. In rural areas where few villages
have secondary schools and students
must travel long distances or stay away
from home, parents are reluctant to
educate their daughters at the secondary
level. Whatever the explanation, the dual
problems of women’s illiteracy and
differential access to education need to be
addressed. Without rapid expansion of
literacy and education rates, gender
equality is bound to remain a distant
dream.
Access to health services, particularly
for reproductive health, is yet another
problem. Men and women both suffer
from poor, or often nonexistent, health
services, particularly in rural areas.
Because of their reproductive needs, the
lack of adequate health care is particularly
problematic for women. The maternal
mortality rate approaches 500 deaths per
100,000 births. Taking into account
obstetrical complications, the number of
women adversely affected by pregnancy
is estimated to be more than 200,000 each
year. Nearly 90 percent of all deliveries
occur at home, since few clinics offer
reproductive health services. Induced
abortions to end unwanted pregnancies
also contribute to maternal mortality.
Adequate reproductive health care could
prevent the majority of these cases. 
Although the incidence of HIV infection
is higher among men, the rate of infection
among women is increasing rapidly.
Nationally, 2.4 percent of married women
harbor the virus. More disturbing, 13- to￾20-year-old girls have the highest rate of
infection among married women. In
recent years, the number of cases of
sexually transmitted diseases (which
facilitate the transmission of HIV) has
Effects of the Conflict (As told by Women)
On family relationships: “Relationships have changed very much;
families used to be intact and supportive. Husbands and wives
were loyal to each other. . . . We can no longer trust each other.”
On work: “After work we are tired as a dead snake.”
On being a widow: “We are people without hands. A widow is like a
blind man who looks at the sun.” 
On domestic violence: “I feel that I want to hit him with a stick, but I
am scared that he will hit me.”
Source: van der Wijk 1997.
14 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
increased dramatically. As discussed
earlier, domestic violence has emerged as
a major problem in postconflict
Cambodia. It indicates that men place a
low value on women. The problems of
commercial sex and trafficking of women
and children are closely related. These
problems have attracted attention in
recent years because of the efforts of local
women’s nongovernmental organizations
and the international community. 
Another problem concerns
discrimination against women and the
challenge of promoting gender equality.
In pursuance of agreements signed in
October 1991 in Paris, the elected
Cambodian government drafted a
national constitution that guarantees
equal rights for men and women. Seven
articles in chapter 3 of the constitution
specifically address women’s rights.
Moreover, in recent years the National
Assembly has passed additional laws
protecting women’s rights. For example,
the assembly has passed legislation on
abortion, domestic violence, and the
trafficking of women. The government is
also working on legislation to guarantee
women land and inheritance rights. 
But while a legal framework for
gender equality exists, implementation
and enforcement remain a problem.
Cambodia lacks the political will and
institutional infrastructure needed to
protect rights guaranteed in the
constitution. Characterizing the law￾enforcement system are impunity
combined with an absence of
transparency. The government lacks
trained personnel and material resources
to enforce the laws. Above all,
disadvantages such as illiteracy, lack of
resources, and ignorance of the law limit
women’s access to fair treatment by the
judiciary system and law-enforcement
agencies.
Cambodia lacks
the political 
will and
institutional
infrastructure
needed to
protect rights
guaranteed 
in the
constitution.
‘
’
T HE PREVIOUS CHAPTER examined the
effects of the conflict on women, their
status, roles, and social and economic
activities. It identified some of the gender
issues and problems facing contemporary
Cambodian society. This chapter looks at
women’s organizations that have emerged to
deal with these issues and problems. It
describes the factors that contributed to their
emergence and discusses their structures and
the activities they undertake.
EMERGENCE OF WOMEN’S
ORGANIZATIONS
The emergence of independent women’s
organizations has been a postconflict
phenomenon. True, a body called the
Women’s Association of Cambodia existed
during the Vietnamese occupation of
1979–89. It had the mandate and authority to
promote the advancement of women—
which it did. But the association was
sponsored and controlled by the state. It was
not autonomous and independent, the
defining characteristics of civil society
organizations. 
Several factors have contributed to the
growth of independent women’s
organizations in postconflict Cambodia. The
first was the political opening created by the
democratic transition. After an interruption
of more than two decades of totalitarian and
authoritarian regimes, the country enjoyed a
semblance of democracy in the early 1990s.
Its constitution guaranteed essential civil
and political rights and provided a legal
framework for forming voluntary
organizations. This political opening, limited
though it was, has been an essential, though
not a sufficient, condition for the growth of
all kinds of voluntary organizations,
including women’s organizations.
Another factor was the presence of a large
number of international nongovernmental
organizations involved in both humanitarian
assistance and sustainable development. As
the international donor community was
generally reluctant to channel funds to the
government, it has depended on NGOs to
administer the programs. The international
NGOs were philosophically committed to the
growth of indigenous voluntary
organizations, which would gradually
replace them and carry on their activities.
The international organizations were also
under pressure from the government as well
as donor agencies to reduce visibility.
Consequently, many NGOs working on
gender issues helped women leaders form
indigenous organizations. In interviews with
the CDIE team, many women leaders
acknowledged that the impetus for
establishing their organizations often came
from international NGOs. Without the latter’s
assistance, said the leaders, the local
organizations might not have been
established.
A third factor has been the generous
availability of resources for women’s
organizations. The international community
viewed the growth of civil society
organizations as an essential component of
its efforts to promote democracy. These
organizations stand as a buffer between the
state and the citizen, curtailing the
totalitarian impulses of the government.
Consequently, the international community
provided generous financial and technical
resources to found indigenous
organizations, including women’s
organizations. Practically speaking, all
existing women’s organizations received
support from multilateral and bilateral
chapter 4
Women’s Organizations 
In Postconflict Cambodia
16 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
donors for both programs and
organizational development. Several key
informants told the team that funds were
no problem in the early 1990s; the real
hurdles were organizational capacity and
the vision of women’s organizations. (In
recent years, though, international funds,
have been scarce, creating problems for
many organizations. )
A fourth contributing factor has been
what we might call the growth of
“gender sensitivity” among national
policymakers in the early 1990s. This
sensitivity resulted from the growing
recognition that the sustained
development of Cambodian society is
not possible without the involvement
and participation of women. The
presence of women expatriates working
with multilateral and bilateral agencies,
with the NGO community, and even with
the government contributed to this
awareness. Moreover, influential women
leaders realized that women’s
organizations, led and managed by
women and working for their welfare,
are essential for promoting gender
equality in Cambodia. This gender
sensitivity provided philosophical and
practical justification for establishing
women’s organizations, particularly
those engaged in advocacy functions. 
Finally, the return of Cambodian
women who had gained experience in
leadership or education outside the
country was another contributing factor.
Many were visionaries possessing
leadership qualities, and a few took the
lead in establishing women’s
organizations in the early 1990s. Examples
of such women include Mu Sochua Leiper,
a founder of Khemera (see table 4.1) and
now minister of women’s and veterans’
affairs; Thida C. Khus, founder of Silaka;
and Nanda Pok, who started Women for
Prosperity. All are expatriates or refugees
who returned to Cambodia during or after
the peace process. Having lived in Western
democracies, they were aware of the
contributions that civil society
organizations can make to the articulation
of interests of different cross-sections of the
population.
Table 4.1 lists most registered
organizations presently active. It also lists a
few as-yet unregistered organizations
engaged in interesting work. General
characteristics of these organizations are
mentioned in the next section.
WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
Table 4.1 shows that 13 of 18 women’s
organizations are located in the capital city
and only 5 in the provinces. Given that all
international NGOs and donor agencies are
based in Phnom Penh, this is hardly
unexpected. However, while located in the
capital, many work in the countryside or
support programs benefiting people
throughout the country.
The table also shows that 6 of the 18
organizations were established in 1993,
and another 3 in 1994. Thus during
1993–94, half were founded. One plausible
explanation is that during these years there
was a surge of optimism and hope as the
democratic transition occurred. Moreover,
generous international assistance was
available to establish voluntary
organizations.
Broadly speaking, we can classify these
organizations into three categories. One
consists of the social service organizations
that provide a set of services to women
and children, particularly those affected
by the conflict. Khemera, Cambodian
Women’s Crisis Center, and Cambodian
Women’s Development Agency and
Homelands illustrate this category. Over
time, such organizations have also started
taking up advocacy activities. Another
category consists of those whose primary
work is economic. Help the Widows is a
good example. It is engaged in
microcredit and has established informal
women’s groups to channel credit to
women. Finally, the advocacy and
democracy-promoting organizations are
The CDIE team
was impressed
by the vision,
commitment,
and capabilities
of the top
leaders. But a
vast gulf lies
between top
leadership and
midlevel
managers and
fieldworkers. 
‘
’
Women’s Organizations in Postconflict Cambodia 17
involved in lobbying and public
education efforts to improve women’s
status in society and increase their
participation in the political arena. This
category includes organizations such as
Women for Prosperity, Women’s Media
Center of Cambodia, and Khmer
Women’s Voice Center. 
The top leadership of women’s
organizations initially came from four
groups of women. First were Western￾educated Cambodian expatriates. The
second consisted of women who had lived
in refugee camps on the Thai border, many
of whom received education or assumed
leadership roles in the camps. The third
included female employees of international
NGOs in Cambodia who had acquired
practical experience in running voluntary
organizations. The last group was those
women who lived in the country during the
conflict but worked for the Revolutionary
Cambodian Women’s Association, a mass
organization under the Vietnamese
occupation.
Table 4.1. Women’s Organizations in Cambodia
Name Location Activities Est.
Arun Reah P Vocational training, microcredit 1994
Association Lumière des Femmes Rural P Vocational training 1997
Battambang Women’s AIDS Project P HIV/AIDS education, research 1993
Cambodia Community Building C Microcredit, health 1995
Cambodia Migration and C Vocational training, women 1997 
Development Committee trafficking, prostitution, 
human rights
Cambodian Women Crisis Center C Domestic violence, women 
trafficking, and prostitution
Cambodian Women’s Development Agency C Literacy, human rights, 1993
HIV/AIDS, trafficking, prostitution
Help the Widows C Microcredit
Indradevi Association C Human rights, HIV/AIDS, 1994
women advocacy
International Friendship Organization C Vocational training 1996
for Development
Khemara C Community development, vocational 1991
training, microcredit, domestic violence
Khmer Women’s Voice Centre C Democracy, women’s 1993
advocacy, human rights
Kompong Thom Cambodian P Microcredit, domestic 1993
Association Support of Women violence, economic
Project Against Domestic Violence C Domestic violence 1995
Silaka P Management training
Women for Prosperity C Political participation, 1994
women’s advocacy
Women’s Organization for C HIV/AIDS 1993
Modern Economy and Nursing (WOMEN)
Women’s Media Center of Cambodia C Women’s advocacy, mass media 1993
Sources: Directory of Cambodian NGOs, the Cooperation Committee for Cambodia.
Notes: A few organizations that were listed but not active were eliminated; a few that were not listed but
operational were added.
P=province, C=capital city (Phnom Penh).
Influential
women leaders
realized that
women’s
organizations,
led and
managed by
women and
working for
their welfare,
are essential for
promoting
gender equality
in Cambodia. 
‘
’
18 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
Why the preponderance of expatriate
and refugee women in leadership
positions? The obvious explanation is that
overseas exposure gave them new skills
and expertise. It widened their social and
political horizons. They often learned
English. The foreign sojourn also weakened
the shackles of traditional society, giving
them a new vision and new perspectives. 
The CDIE team was impressed by the
vision, commitment, and capabilities of the
top leaders. But a vast gulf lies between top
leadership and midlevel managers and
fieldworkers. This is partly due to a lack of
qualified and educated women who can
successfully assume those positions. But it
also reflects leaders’ reluctance to delegate
authority and invest in human resource
development. 
MAJOR ACTIVITIES
OF WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
Vocational Training
Six of 18 organizations provide some
vocational training to women. Such training
usually is in food, catering, sewing, and
hospitality. A few organizations have also
organized agricultural extension training
programs for women farmers. And a few
have established handicraft outlets to sell
products made by the trainees. Some
observers have questioned the
sustainability of such outlets, which depend
on artificially created markets. 
Some have questioned the utility of
many vocational training activities, since
they are generally carried out with little
regard to women’s needs. For example,
many focus group participants trained by
Khemera complained that certain skills
classes were not helpful, because they did
not lead to jobs. As international funding
for vocational training has diminished,
women’s organizations are phasing out
such activities.
Microcredit Lending
One third of the women’s organizations
listed in table 4.1 administer credit
programs for women to initiate and
operate microbusinesses. Loans are
provided to a group of three to seven
members, who are responsible for
repayment. In the absence of formal
institutions, such programs have been
popular with women. For example, Help
the Widows (which now serves all
Women’s Organizations: Serving a Medley of Causes
Khemera is not just the first Cambodian women’s NGO—it is the
first Cambodian NGO. Founded in 1991 by a group of Cambodian
women, it grew under the direction of Mu Sochua Leiper, now a
cabinet minister. The organization targets poor women through
community-based development programs. Khemera’s activities fall
into five main program areas: literacy, child-care, health care,
family support, and women in business.
The Cambodian Women’s Development Agency was founded
at the end of the communist Vietnamese occupation as an
independent NGO. Director Kien Serey Phal is one of the few women
who remained in Cambodia throughout the conflict and now directs
a woman’s organization. CWDA is recognized as one of the best￾managed organizations in Cambodia. Its activities include health
programs, community development, basic literacy promotion, and
HIV/AIDS education. The organization seeks to empower grass-roots
organizations and village communities. CWDA also supports initiatives
against trafficking in and violence against women.
Help the Widows is one of the few economic associations run
by a woman. Sareth Soun founded the group and directs it. Help
the Widows provides microloans to women to help them expand
their economic activities in agriculture and petty trading. 
Indradevi Association was founded in 1993 by Dy Ratha.
Operating in one of the poorest neighborhoods of Phnom Penh,
the group carries out education, information, awareness,
counseling, and treatment programs on HIV/AIDs and other sexually
transmitted diseases. It also advocates women’s rights and needs.
Established in 1997, the Cambodian Women’s Crisis Center
addresses violence against women. It seeks to stop forced
prostitution, domestic violence, and the trafficking of women and
children. CWCC was founded and is directed by Chanthol Oung, a
human rights lawyer. The organization opened a shelter for abused
women after several women escaped from a brothel and had no
place to stay.
Women’s Organizations in Postconflict Cambodia 19
women) started with 50 to 60 women; it
had more than 2,700 members in 1998.
Several women the CDIE team
interviewed were enthusiastic about
microcredit activities. They described
how their own lives were transformed
by small-loan availability. Most were
using loans for selling cooked food or
starting poultry operations. 
Several major international donors led
by USAID have supported microcredit
activities administered by international
and local NGOs, which have established
local partners to channel funds for group
loans. Although most of the local
partners cannot be designated as
women’s organizations, women are well
represented in them and have begun
assuming leadership positions. Almost
95 percent of the participants in group￾lending programs are women. 
Domestic Violence
Three women’s organizations seek to
create public awareness about and help
victims of domestic violence. Reacting to
a 1994 USAID-funded survey that
demonstrated the gravity of the problem
and a need for remedial action, the
Agency helped 15 local NGOs launch
Project Against Domestic Violence. 
One of the most successful activities of
the newly founded organization was
initiating a street theater. It held 39
performances in five provinces and
reached an audience of approximately
250,000. 
Women’s organizations also provide a
range of services to victims of domestic
violence. Khemera provides housing,
vocational training and small loans. Its
shelter accommodates 300 women from
throughout the country. The Cambodian
Women’s Crisis Center also runs a
counseling program for abused women
and arranges for legal assistance. If
deemed appropriate, it contacts the
family of the victim and explores the
possibility of reconciliation. 
Prostitution and Trafficking
Women’s organizations are also dealing
with forced prostitution and the trafficking
of women and children. The organizations
provide shelter, counseling, vocational
training, and legal assistance to women
who want to leave the profession. For
example, the Cambodian Women’s Crisis
Center manages a shelter, arranges for
counseling, and conducts classes on literacy,
sewing, hairdressing, and women’s rights.
It also works with selected garment factory
managers to arrange job opportunities.
CWCC also supports educational media
initiatives. It has produced videos on the
exploitation of commercial sex workers,
which have attracted the government
officials’ attention. That has led to more
effective enforcement of laws against
trafficking and forced prostitution. 
HIV/AIDS Awareness and Research
Women’s organizations are mostly
engaged in two types of HIV/AIDS activities:
research and public education. The
Battambang Women’s AIDS Program, in
collaboration with Population Services
International, regularly carries out
knowledge, attitude, and practices surveys
and holds focus group discussions with the
population at risk. Its findings are used for
scientific research and policy formulation.
The Cambodian Women’s Development
Agency conducts annual surveys among
commercial sex workers to assess the
effects of AIDS awareness initiatives. 
Women’s organizations also expend
considerable effort on educating vulnerable
populations. The Battambang Women’s
AIDS Program produces AIDS prevention
videos and a television program that is both
popular and instructive. It also produces
educational material and posters for use by
other organizations. Indradevi Association
carries out education, information,
awareness, and counseling programs on
HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted
diseases among vulnerable groups. In 1997,
The Cambodian
Women’s Crisis
Center has
produced 
videos on the
exploitation of
commercial sex
workers. 
That has led to
more effective
enforcement of
laws against
trafficking 
and forced
prostitution. 
‘
’
20 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
its educational outreach program provided
information to 4,398 sex workers and 712
brothel owners. 
Democracy and Human Rights
Several women’s organizations have
promoting democracy and human rights as
major objectives, but they are not actively
engaged in these activities. They
concentrate on voter education and
strategies to increase women’s political
participation. The Khmer Women’s Voice
Center was among the first women’s
organizations to undertake voter education
programs for the 1993 elections. It
organized meetings and workshops and
printed literature to encourage both men
and women to vote.
Women for Prosperity seeks to enhance
the political participation of women. With
a grant from USAID, it organized leadership
workshops in the capital and in 11
provincial towns for women candidates
for the 1998 elections. Attended by 698
female leaders, the workshop covered
such topics as public speaking,
interviewing skills, and writing press
releases. The organization also published
a report profiling women candidates from
all political parties presenting each party’s
platform on women’s issues. Moreover,
the organization holds leadership training
courses for midlevel decision-makers such
as commune chiefs and district chiefs in
the provinces.
Public Advocacy
Finally, many women’s organizations are
doing pioneering work in public awareness
of gender issues in Cambodian society.
They have successfully used radio and
television, print media, and meetings and
workshops to articulate various issues and
promote gender equality.
The Women’s Media Center creates
programming on social and gender issues.
It produces radio, television, and video
programs in cooperation with other
voluntary organizations, reaching a large
audience. It has a successful weekly
television program that highlights gender
issues in culturally appropriate ways. The
center also conducts audience surveys on
its productions. 
Another group, the Women’s Voice
Center, uses print media. It has
published several illustrated booklets
and posters highlighting women’s
problems. The publications are helpful
for women and children with limited
reading skills. The organization also
publishes a magazine much in demand
in the school system. It features articles
by and about women active in economic,
social, and political arenas. 
I
N THE PREVIOUS CHAPTER, we described
the emergence of women’s
organizations as well as the
characteristics and activities of these
groups. This chapter assesses the impact of
these organizations on women’s
empowerment in Cambodia. It also
discusses various factors that affect their
performance and impacts. 
OVERALL IMPACT
OF WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
Despite their small number and limited
economic and technical resources,
women’s organizations have been
contributing to the empowerment of
women in various ways. For one thing,
they are helping vulnerable women
through vocational training and
microcredit programs. The interviews and
focus groups conducted by the CDIE team
indicate that credit programs are
particularly effective and help women
initiate small income-generating activities
such as farming, poultry raising, and petty
trade. Access to credit has improved their
economic position, enabling them to meet
the minimum necessities of life. More
important, it has given them new
confidence and identity. Some income￾producing women experience better
treatment by their husbands and other
members of the family. In other words,
economic empowerment seems to
contribute to social and cultural
empowerment in Cambodia as elsewhere.
Women’s organizations are assisting
victims of HIV/AIDS, of domestic violence,
and of trafficking and forced prostitution.
Although only a small fraction of the
needy women receive assistance, the
assistance does make a difference in the
lives of those women. The real contribution
of these organizations lies in generating
public awareness of these problems. The
organizations have put the problem of
domestic violence on the public agenda.
Traveling from province to province, the
Project Against Domestic Violence
confronted men and women with the
issue. Pioneering efforts of many
organizations have helped center public
attention on the plight of commercial sex
workers and the victims of forced
prostitution. Their activities have led to the
arrest of many brothel owners and the
rescue of young girls enslaved as
prostitutes. Radio and television programs
sponsored by women’s organizations have
pressured law enforcement to intervene.
Women’s organizations have also been
pioneers in educating people about the
growing problem of AIDS.
Women’s organizations have also
started influencing the political landscape,
though in a limited way. During the 1998
elections, a few women’s organizations
participated in voter education programs
for women. Women for Prosperity trained
women candidates. It raised public
awareness of gender issues by publishing
information on each party’s platform for
women. The organization has now begun
to address leadership training for
increasing women’s participation in
politics. By promoting participation, the
group is also highlighting the issue of
gender equality. As a midlevel trainee told
the CDIE team members: “After our
training we are aware of what government
does [and] also knowledgeable about
equality. Men cannot abuse women if
women know their rights. Now we
chapter 5
Impact of Womens’ Organizations
22 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
understand how to work together for
justice.” 
More important, women’s
organizations have been raising
awareness of gender issues through mass
media. The Cambodian Women’s Media
Center, for example, produces a TV series,
in the style of opera and drama, that
explores gender-related subjects in
inventive, entertaining, appropriate ways.
These comedic shows are “particularly
effective because they challenge
traditional gender roles in the family and
in society in ways that permit men and
women to see the reality of discrimination
and ways to ameliorate it without much
loss of face or indignity to the family’s
reputation” (Frieson 1998). The series is
popular. The center receives over 150
letters each month from viewers who
provide feedback on programs. Several
independent observers told the team that
such programs are influencing in
particular middle- and upper-middle￾class women, who have more access to
radio and television than do poorer
women. The programs have started
making women aware of their rights and
responsibilities. They also are causing
women to rethink their traditional role
and status in the family and society. 
Thus women’s organizations are
redefining and expanding the limited
social, cultural, and economic roles
available to women in Cambodian society.
Empowerment remains a critical issue for
women, whose social status and respect in
society has been altered by loss of family,
demographic shifts, changing kinship and
marriage patterns, and a woman’s
increasingly burdensome role as sole
supporter of her children. Leaders of
women’s organizations provide important
role models. Those models contrast
sharply with the sexualized and
objectified image of women common in
the imported movies and television series
that dominate the media in Cambodia. 
Women’s organizations bring unique
benefits to the women who administer
them as well as to their beneficiaries. First,
the leaders experience opportunities and a
climate of respect that contrasts sharply
with the status they tend to be accorded in
mixed groups. Second, the nature of
power relationships experienced by
women in women’s organizations is
qualitatively different. Here women
manage the organizations, providing
women opportunities and access to power
they do not experience in society at large.
Third, women are emboldened to speak
openly in female-run meetings, whereas in
mixed meetings social norms often
prevent women from taking a proactive
role. Finally, women’s organizations
provide a training ground for broader
leadership roles. The experience women
gain in managing can serve as a
springboard for future national leadership.
Witness the rise to power of Soucha Mu
Leiper, founder of Cambodia’s first NGO
and currently minister of women’s and
veterans affairs. Others are sure to follow.
FACTORS AFFECTING
PERFORMANCE AND IMPACT
Social and Cultural Factors
Women’s organizations face many social
and cultural obstacles. No tradition exists
Impacts of Women’s Organizations
“It is too early to tell about the effects of women’s organizations. 
I would call their contributions modest, . . . but they are doing
some good work.”
—Academic scholar
“During the past five years, women’s organizations have come a
long way. They are helping raise a consciousness about gender
issues. I am very much impressed by the use of radio and television
by women’s organizations.”
—International private voluntary organization official
“There is no doubt that their [women’s organizations] activities
have helped a segment of Cambodian women.”
—Prominent Cambodian human-rights leader
Impact of Women’s Organizations 23
in Cambodia for voluntary organizations.
Although there once was a community
network surrounding the Buddhist temple,
it bore little semblance to present-day civil
society organizations. Consequently, all
voluntary organizations, including
women’s organizations, face difficulties in
gaining public legitimacy and in obtaining
broader participation of the people. 
Compounding the problems of
women’s organization is the low social
status of women. Women employees of
these organizations often do not receive the
respectful treatment accorded their male
counterparts, and they encounter
difficulties in working with government
officials and local community leaders. Even
within an organization, male officials
dominate their fellow female workers,
lowering the women’s morale and self￾confidence. Finally, women’s organizations
suffer from the depletion of social capital.
There is a widespread shortage of trained
and educated women who possess
technical and managerial skills. The
shortage is likely to persist because of the
low enrollment of girls in higher education.
Political Factors
Cambodia’s political environment is not
conducive to the effective functioning of
voluntary organizations. But the
government lacks the capacity to deliver
services to its citizens, thus it tolerates and
occasionally supports service-oriented
organizations. Such organizations provide
assistance to needy segments of the
population, relieving the pressure on
government to provide it. There has been
tension and apparent competition for
resources between government and
women’s organizations, particularly at the
province and district levels. The
Battambang Women’s AIDS Program is a
case in point. The organization encountered
initial resistance from local health officials,
who saw its activities as an intrusion into
their work. But it was able to overcome the
resistance with tact and persistence, and
now works effectively with the officials. 
The government is more seriously
threatened by the activities of advocacy
groups and organizations that promote
democracy. An experience of Women for
Prosperity provides a not-uncommon
example. That group ran into a
government stone wall on a USAID-funded
project for the 1998 legislative elections.
The group had planned to produce
debates on women’s issues for airing on
national television. But the Ministry of
Information feared the debates (by
representatives of the various political
parties) might demonstrate government
foot-dragging on gender issues. It
withheld cooperation. The organization
got the message and dropped the project.
It did, however, find an amenable radio
station, which agreed to air some of the
debates (Frieson 1998). 
Dependence on International Funding
Women’s organizations in Cambodia
depend totally on international funding.
As most of these funds are short-term
grants, the organizations are unable to
engage in long-term planning and
capacity development. The yearly funding
cycle emphasizes the capture of next
year’s funds, not development of a long￾term vision or assessing lessons learned
and comparing results with other
organizations in order to improve
programming. The existence of some
women’s organizations with a clear
vision, targeted programming, and a
degree of expertise in a specific sector may
seem to contradict this observation.
However, closer examination reveals that
these are organizations whose activities
mirror current donor interest. It is
conceivable that these same organizations
will diversify their programs—or falter—
when donor priorities shift. 
Because of this dependence, women’s
organizations are under constant pressure
to change their agenda to reflect the
apparent funding priorities of the
international community. Several women’s
organizations have responded to recent
The Ministry of
Information
feared the
debates (by
representatives 
of the various
political 
parties) might
demonstrate
government 
foot-dragging on
gender issues. 
It withheld
cooperation. 
‘
’
24 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
reductions in donor funding by developing
“flavor of the month” programming, with
little apparent attention to the development
of expertise in a given area. Many observers
told the CDIE team that the agendas of
several organizations have changed with
shifts in donor interest: programming has
evolved from community development to
economic empowerment to women’s rights
and political participation. Currently, a
number of organizations the team met were
planning to initiate antitrafficking or
domestic violence programs in the next
funding cycle, reflecting current donor
interests. 
LACK OF COOPERATION
AND COORDINATION
There has been little effort by women’s
organizations to coordinate their activities.
Instead of coordination and cooperation,
we find competition for funds and
repetition of popular programs. The
tendency to copy successful activities
without sharing information and
coordinating efforts reduces the overall
effectiveness of women’s organizations.
What is needed is for organizations to
specialize in a specific area, developing
expertise and sharing their lessons learned
in order to increase the effectiveness of their
work. The NGO Forum, an umbrella
organization, has an offshoot woman’s
working group that holds monthly
meetings to discuss major issues, but it has
not been effective in promoting cooperation
and coordination. The minister of women’s
and veterans’ affairs is holding monthly
meetings to address this problem.
Internal Organizational Structure
And Management
Finally, women’s organizations suffer from
serious organizational and managerial
limitations. The organizations reflect the
Cambodian model of social organization: a
hierarchical structure with a charismatic
leader and a tendency for patron–client
relationships. Charismatic leaders head
most organizations. They monopolize
power and authority. Such leaders are
reluctant to delegate decision-making to
midlevel management. Consequently, there
is little division of labor. The result is that
the participatory approach—with teams
and mentoring—is generally absent. This
limits the organizations’ ability to respond
to new challenges and opportunities. It also
minimizes the diversity of ideas necessary
for innovation and development. Moreover,
it means that leaders are overwhelmed and
operate under a great deal of stress.
Few organizations nurture a second￾generation staff that could gradually
assume the role of leaders. The training
programs for mid- and junior-level staff,
sponsored by the international
community, are generally inadequate, as
they do not zero in on the specific needs
of the trainees. Moreover, because of the
poor knowledge of the language—
English— in which these courses are
conducted, many participants fail to get
the full benefit of the training. Often
organizations are reluctant to send their
staff for long-term training out of fear
they might not return after completing it.
Women leaders themselves participate in
most training, rather than sending lower
level staff. That serves only to widen the
gap between leadership and the rest of
the staff. The general reluctance to
nurture midlevel staff for leadership
positions is a serious impediment to the
future growth of these organizations. 
Many organizations also lack capacity
for strategic planning and thinking. They
are unable to articulate their
organizational goals and develop long￾term strategies. This problem is
accentuated by the short funding cycles of
donors, but other factors—the charismatic
nature of the leadership, shortage of
trained manpower, and preoccupation
with ongoing activities—also contribute to
it. The absence of strategic thinking also
accounts for the neglect of monitoring and
evaluation. Most of the organizations
interviewed by the CDIE team did not
systematically monitor their ongoing
programs, evaluate their effectiveness,
and draw lessons for the future.
There has been
little effort by
women’s
organizations to
coordinate their
activities.
Instead of
coordination
and cooperation,
we find
competition for
funds and
repetition of
popular
programs.
‘
’
After the Carnage: Women in Post-Conflict Cambodia 25
chapter 6
Women’s Organizations and The International Community 
T HIS CHAPTER explores the
relationship between the
international community
(broadly defined to include
intergovernmental organizations,
bilateral and multilateral agencies, and
international voluntary organizations)
and Cambodian women’s organizations.
It discusses the nature of assistance
provided by the international
community and the areas of tension
between them. It also examines the
question of sustainability of the women’s
organizations in the absence of
significant international assistance.
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY: 
A CRITICAL ROLE
Women’s organizations are largely,
though not exclusively, the product of the
policies and programs of the international
community. Although the initiative for
their establishment came from
enterprising Cambodian women
visionaries, these organizations could
neither have been established nor
survived without the economic and
technical assistance of international
agencies. Many women’s organizations
are spinoff groups. In other cases,
international NGOs encouraged their
employees to found them to continue the
programs they were managing. In still
other cases, international NGOs
themselves were behind the founding.
The Project Against Domestic Violence
provides a good example of how USAID,
through the Asia Foundation, could help
found an organization. Practically all the
organizations the CDIE team interviewed
had received their entire funding from the
international community.
Because of the highly visible
involvement of the international
community in women’s organizations, a
few Cambodian and international
observers do not regard them as genuine
civil society organizations. According to
those observers, these are the shadows of
the international community and not
autonomous indigenous organizations
with local roots. Such a sweeping criticism
is probably not justified. The mere fact that
women’s organizations were established
with the major involvement of the
international community does not mean
that they have not developed local roots
and acquired legitimacy in the public eye.
In fact, as mentioned in previous chapters,
these organizations are having an impact
on the national scene. 
NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL ASSISTANCE
The international community has provided
three kinds of assistance to women’s
organizations: financial, technical, and
political. First comes financial assistance.All
women’s organizations depend on
international funds for their program as
well as core budgets. Only organizations
that provide microcredit have some
alternative sources of funding, getting a
share of interest paid by clients.
Second, the international community
has provided technical assistance to
women’s organizations in various ways.
Several international NGOs have
established fostering relationships or
partnerships with them to develop and
strengthen their capacities and
capabilities. PACT, for example, initiated a
“local NGO incubator” approach to
provide training, technical support, and
26 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
direct grants to the first generation of
voluntary organizations in Cambodia.
Silaka, the woman’s management
training organization, was an early
recipient of its assistance. PACT currently
provides funds to local voluntary
organizations so that they can send their
staff for training. The Asia Foundation,
through its partnership with a number of
political and human rights–oriented
women’s organizations, supports and
fosters their development.
International NGOs are also fostering a
woman’s NGO to promote the integration of
gender issues in development programs.
The Gender and Development Program for
Cambodia is a semiautonomous
organization. It will become a full-fledged
local organization within two years. With
its emphasis on training and internship,
advocacy and network building, and
research and resources development, the
program serves an important need of
women’s organizations. 
We note here two limitations of
organizational fostering. First, many
international NGOs lack requisite skills
and patience to mentor indigenous
organizations. Often they are in a hurry
and seek to transfer skills with little
understanding of the hurdles facing the
partnering organization. Second, while
they mentor, they also serve as models
for indigenous organizations. In
Cambodia, however, their model is not
always appropriate. International NGOs
operate with a large support staff, air
conditioners, and four-wheel-drive
vehicles. The problem is that many
women’s organizations follow their
examples despite the high costs. 
The international community often
provides short- and medium-term advisers
to women’s organizations. Such expatriate
experts work in an organization for up to a
year. Organizations as diverse as Project
Against Domestic Violence, Khmer
Women’s Voice Center, and Cambodian
Women’s Development Agency all
continue to make use of foreign advisers.
Many organizations have benefited from
the services of such consultants. But even
the presence of a long-term expatriate
consultant, who might work in-country for
as long as three years, has been insufficient
to guide the organizations with limited
institutional capacity through the myriad
problems they face. 
In addition, the international
community supports training programs for
the staff of women’s organizations.
Increasingly, many organizations are
questioning the utility and relevance of
training programs funded and managed
by international NGOs. The training does
not necessarily build on the knowledge or
needs of trainees or their sponsoring
organizations. Sponsors make little attempt
to conduct a regular, systematic assessment
of organizational capacity for training and
for developing training plans for
individual staffers and the organization as
a whole. Training is also conducted
haphazardly and often in English, making
it difficult for many trainees to
comprehend the content. Therefore, many
training programs have not been useful to
women’s organizations. 
Finally, the political support of the
international community has been critical to
organizations promoting democracy and
human rights. A female leader of a
prominent organization told the CDIE team
that “more important than economic and
technical assistance was the feeling that you
[USAID] were with us.” The moral support of
the international community may also
serve to protect women’s organizations.
AREAS OF TENSION BETWEEN
WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
Cambodia has an excellent record of
cooperation between women’s
organizations and the international
community. Both work closely together
and share mutual trust and understanding.
However, as expected in any complex
A female leader
of a prominent
organization
told the cdie
team that “more
important than
economic and
technical
assistance was
the feeling that
you [USAID] were
with us.
‘
’
Women’s Organizations and the International Community 27
institutional relationship, there are
tensions, which arise largely out of
differences in their mutual expectations.
One major source of tension lies in
funding. In the past, the international
community has provided generous
financial support for both programs and
organizational development. That
situation is changing. Women’s
organizations complain that the donor
community is increasingly cutting core
funding. Moreover, funding for
programming is usually provided
annually, creating uncertainty among staff
and beneficiaries. While such criticisms are
justified, the funding agencies have their
own constraints. Since a political crisis in
1997, the volume of development
assistance to Cambodia has declined
significantly; the funding agencies have no
alternative but to reduce their financial
support to women’s organizations. It is
logical that they expect that recipient
organizations tighten their budgets and
explore alternative sources of funds. Donor
agencies feel uncomfortable with the
present dependence of women’s
organizations on their funding. 
Another area of tension is the issue of
accountability. Many funding agencies, on
the one hand, increasingly demand detailed
financial records and program
accountability. Some also require
performance and impact data for their own
reporting purposes. While most
organizations can provide financial records,
they have difficulty in monitoring and
evaluation. Often they have no institutional
capacity to collect the necessary data, and
they see no justification for expending time
and effort on gathering such information.
Funding agencies can solve this problem by
doing two things: 1) providing technical
assistance to organizations to help them
develop appropriate forms and procedures,
and 2) lowering information requirements
to the barest minimum.
Women’s organizations, on the other
hand, resent what they regard as the short￾term vision of donors and international
NGOs. They see the latter as constantly
changing direction. One woman leader told
the team, “The donor has objectives; we
must fit their program.” The pattern
becomes apparent as one examines the
evolving donor missions over time. These
changed from relief to community
development to health care and literacy
and then to advocacy, political rights, and
participation. For women’s organizations
that see the continuing need for social
welfare activities that are apparently falling
out of vogue, the result can be devastating.
Still another source of tension is the
management style and organizational culture
of women’s organizations. These
organizations usually suffer from a lack of
division of labor, absence of written rules
and procedures, and the dominant
personality of the founder. Moreover, they
lack capacity for strategic planning. Many
international donors are uncomfortable
with the situation and press them to
initiate reform. Such pressure is resisted by
the organizations’ leaders, who view it as
an unwarranted intrusion into their affairs.
Finally, tensions also arise because of
barriers of language and culture, heightened
by Cambodia’s long isolation from the
world. The vast disparities between the
salaries of the staff of the international
community and of women’s organizations
and the apparent superiority of the
educational background of the former
create resentment and mistrust. That
serves to reinforce traditional models of
hierarchy and the roles of leaders and
followers. International organizations
have done little to build bridges outside
office hours, and the two communities
remain worlds apart. 
Women’s organizations note that even
with medium-term technical consultants
who work for up to a year, it takes months
before they are able to communicate in
meaningful ways. The director of an
organization underscored the profound
cultural gap in the following words: “These
“These consultants
come from a
different culture.
They see different
solutions. We 
can’t follow their
recommendations.
They are too
pushy.”
‘
’
28 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
consultants come from a different culture.
They see different solutions. 
We can’t follow their recommendations.
They are too pushy.”
SUSTAINABILITY
OF WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
As Cambodian women’s organizations
are totally dependent on external funding,
a question is generally asked about their
sustainability without international
assistance. Perhaps, at this time, the
answer is in the negative. Cambodia is
impoverished, and its government faces
enormous fiscal problems. It is therefore
not in a position to help these
organizations in a substantial manner. Nor
is the nascent private sector affluent
enough to fund voluntary organizations.
Thus, the dependence on external funding
is likely to continue. As a leader of an
organization stated during the interview,
“Donors are always talking about
sustainability, but there will be sustainable
only if the country is better off.” 
The international community
recognizes this reality. It is concerned,
though, that women’s organizations
harbor unrealistic expectations and are
not making sufficient efforts to become
economically more self-reliant. But
women’s organizations model their
programs and choice of expenditures on
international NGOs, which is their only
example of what such an organization
should be. A well-educated Cambodian
expatriate manager of an organization
can earn as much as $24,000 a year. Top
local employees have a lower salary that
can nonetheless reach $600 a month—still
vastly different from the local teacher
who may officially earn $10 a month, $15
at most. Often women’s organizations
own several vehicles, and these are
viewed with great envy even by top
government officials. The consensus is
broad in the donor community that
women’s organizations should learn to
live frugally and raise some resources,
however small they might be.
To many in the international
community, sustainability is intertwined
with human resource development and
efficient management. They suggest that
with the improvement in technical and
managerial staff, problems of cost
effectiveness, efficiency, and sources of
alternate funding will become clearer
and the concerned organizations will be
in a better position to face them. Some
derive hope from the fact that
management of the organizations has
improved over time and there is a
greater awareness of these problems.
Many organizations have been gradually
acquiring “critical consciousness,” 
which is enabling them to project their
vision for the future and assert their
independence from the donor
community. 
Some experts have suggested that
women’s organizations transform
themselves into membership-based
institutions to become more vibrant and
sustainable. Such a change would help
them develop deeper roots in the
community and mobilize available local
resources. More important, it would
improve their bargaining position with
the government and the international
community. So far, leaders of women’s
organizations have shown a marked
resistance to the idea. A few international
donors suggest this is because officials of
membership organization are elected
and the leaders are concerned about a
challenge to their authority. But it is the
reality of Cambodia’s poverty that
probably underlies this problem. To
function, membership organizations
require dues. In addition, many U.S.
organizations use volunteer labor for
much of their work. But Cambodians
have neither the funds to contribute to
membership organizations nor the
luxury of volunteering. Women leaders
are struggling to support their families.
They depend on their salaries to ensure
an education and future for themselves
and their children. 
On Sustainability, 
A Clash of Views
“For local
organizations to be
sustainable, there is a
need to go to the
grass roots. Advocacy
organizations are by
and for elites. When
an organization
operates effectively
at the grass roots, it
gets the support of
the community.
Donor support to
elite groups doesn’t
encourage a self￾reliant system.”
—Local NGO leader
“All this talk about
sustainability is not
relevant in the
present conditions.
We are not in a
position to raise
resources locally.
Who has the money
to give these
organizations? You
[USAID] should
support them.”
—Cambodian
researcher
“They have to face
the fact that our
resources are limited.
We cannot fund
them indefinitely.
Our budget has been
drastically cut this
year.”
—USAID official
DESIGN COMPREHENSIVE GENDER
POLICIES AND PROGRAMS
I
N CAMBODIA, the prolonged conflict
has profoundly affected women, their
status, roles, and responsibilities. It
has left deep psychological and emotional
scars on their psyche. It has adversely
affected their status in the family. The
death of men in the war led to the rapid
growth of female-headed households.
Moreover, war has also contributed to
domestic violence, prostitution, and
trafficking of women. It has also affected
women’s economic and political
participation. The government, indigenous
voluntary organizations, and the
international community had to formulate
and implement targeted programs and
comprehensive women-in-development
policies to deal with the effects of the
conflict. 
An obvious lesson of the Cambodian
experience is that comprehensive, targeted
interventions based on a coherent policy
framework are needed in postconflict
societies. Gender-blind policies and
programs are not sufficient to solve the
problems faced by women and to promote
gender equality.
BUILD ON ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL
GAINS DURING THE TRANSITION
Not all effects of the conflict in Cambodia
have been harmful to women. The conflict
undermined the traditional sexual
division of labor, creating for women new
economic and political opportunities.
During the war, women were able to enter
occupations that had been closed to them
in the past. Because of widespread labor
shortages, women were recruited for
manufacturing and service sectors.
Women became construction workers, bus
drivers, and machine operators. Women’s
political participation also increased
during the conflict. They held important
political offices at both national and local
levels. But some of the gains were
undermined during the transition.
Women encountered economic and
political disenfranchisement after the war
ceased. However, conditions gradually
improved with the implementation of
generously funded women-in￾development policies and programs.
Thus the Cambodian experience
indicates the need for policy and
programmatic interventions to mitigate
the phenomenon of women’s
disenfranchisement during the transition.
Such interventions should, for example,
protect women employees against abrupt
changes in labor markets as a result of
demobilization of soldiers, decline of war
industries, and the closure of state￾managed enterprises. 
PROMOTE WOMEN’S EDUCATION AND
LEADERSHIP TRAINING IN REFUGEE CAMPS
Among the leaders of Cambodian
women’s organizations, female
expatriates and refugees have
predominated. Returning women who
had lived in refugee camps in Thailand or
lived in Western democracies founded
many of these organizations. The
explanation is that overseas exposure gave
them new skills and expertise and
widened their social and political
horizons. Some learned English and
acquired enhanced skills in refugee
chapter 7
Lessons for the 
International Community
30 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
camps. Many also held managerial
positions. As a result, many women
acquired new vision and perspectives.
The lesson is that the education and
training of women and their participation
in refugee camp activities can prepare
them to assume leadership roles in
postconflict societies. Therefore, the
international community should support
education and training programs for
women in refugee camps. Such programs
will enable women to acquire new skills,
experience, and vision that will help them,
upon their return, reconstruct both gender
relations and their country. 
CHANNEL INTERNATIONAL ASSISTANCE
THROUGH WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
A major objective of the international
community in fostering women’s
organizations in Cambodia was to channel
assistance for a wide range of programs
targeting women. It appears that this
objective has been accomplished. Women’s
organizations provide group credit and
vocational training to women. They assist
victims of domestic violence, trafficking,
forced prostitution, and AIDS, and they raise
awareness about these problems. They also
promote women’s political participation
and help redefine women’s roles through
radio, television, and print media. Thus,
women’s organizations have been able to
channel international assistance to the
targeted female populations. 
The Cambodian experience shows that
newly founded women’s organizations in
postconflict societies can implement a
wide range of programs funded by the
international community. Therefore, when
international donors do not want to
administer assistance either through the
government or international NGOs,
indigenous women’s organizations can
provide a viable option. 
FOSTER WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
THROUGH THE INTERNATIONAL
COMMUNITY
Women’s organizations are largely,
though not exclusively, the product of the
efforts of the international community.
Although the initiative for their
establishment came from enterprising and
enlightened Cambodian women, these
organizations could neither have been
established nor survived without the
economic and technical assistance of the
international community. Many
organizations are spinoff groups of
international NGOs. In other cases, the
international organizations encouraged
their employees to found them. In still
other cases, international NGOs themselves
founded an organization.
The lesson is that the international
community can help establish women’s
organizations in postconflict societies.
Such organizations can develop local roots
and gain political legitimacy despite their
dependence on international resources.
PLAN FOR MULTIYEAR FUNDING
AND LONGER TIME FRAME
There is little doubt that most women’s
organizations in Cambodia will not
survive without external assistance. The
country is impoverished and the
government is not in a position to support
the organizations. Nor is the nascent
private sector affluent enough to fund
them. Opportunities for cost-sharing of
services are also limited. Therefore,
women’s organizations will continue to
depend on foreign donors for years to
come. The Cambodian experience thus
suggests that if the international
community seeks to foster women’s
organizations to deliver services and to
promote gender equality, it should be
prepared to take a long-term perspective.
The lesson is that
the education
and training of
women and their
participation in
refugee camp
activities can
prepare them to
assume
leadership roles
in postconflict
societies. 
‘
’
Lessons for the International Community 31
Given the harsh economic and political
realities of postconflict societies, such
organizations cannot be economically
sustainable within the usual time span of
five to seven years. 
Moreover, the yearly funding cycle
hampers the development of improved
programming through the constant
pressure to obtain funds for the following
year. Discussions with women’s groups
revealed that much time is spent on
writing proposals and reporting on
results, with program development and
follow-on activities relegated to second￾tier priorities. Multiyear funding would be
more conducive to long-term goals. It
would reduce pressure on organizations
to continuously produce new proposals
that cater to evolving donor interests. It
would permit organizations to
concentrate on program delivery, building
on lessons learned, assessing the impact of
activities, and identifying improvements
and follow-on activities.
ENHANCE WOMEN’S SOCIAL
AND POLITICAL POWER THROUGH
WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS
In Cambodia, women’s organizations are
addressing critical and interrelated goals
through a myriad of activities promoting
economic self-sufficiency, social dignity,
and political and legal rights and
protections. They are helping redefine and
expand the limited social, cultural, and
economic roles available to women in
Cambodian society. Female leaders in
politics and civil society provide
important models for Cambodia.
Women’s organizations provide the
necessary setting for women to gain self￾respect and participate in decision￾making. Working with other women
provides them with the self-confidence
and the experience to eventually become
proactive in community decision-making
in local, regional, and national political
spheres.
Thus, the Cambodian experience
suggests that the international community
should support the growth of women’s
organizations in postconflict societies not
only to channel assistance to needy
populations or to promote civil society,
but also to socially empower women.
Working in such organizations helps
women garner self-confidence and acquire
important skills. 
BUILD MONITORING
AND EVALUATION CAPACITY
Monitoring and evaluation are
fundamental to developing local capacity
to respond effectively to the needs of
beneficiaries. International NGOs
frequently commented that women’s
organizations did not understand the
importance of monitoring program
activities and lacked knowledge of how to
conduct effective evaluations. Donors and
international NGOs have not emphasized
training in monitoring and evaluation. Yet
monitoring and evaluation remain central
to creating programs to meet evolving
circumstances and to identify and develop
effective approaches to development
issues. 
The Cambodian experience suggests
that the international community should
provide incipient women’s organizations
support for annual monitoring,
evaluation, and program implementation
of lessons learned. The emphasis must be
on participatory identification of client
needs and development of activities to
meet those needs. Then the organizations
need to undertake evaluations to
determine whether those needs have been
met, how the program might be altered
for greater impact, and how best to design
follow-on activities. 
The yearly
funding cycle
hampers the
development of
improved
programming
through the
constant
pressure to
obtain funds 
for the 
following year. 
‘
’
32 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
SUPPORT SECTORAL SPECIALIZATION
In Cambodia, donor emphasis on
programming has evolved through time
and has a profound effect on the
activities proposed by women’s
organizations. However, donors have
paid little attention to continuity or the
development of expertise in a given area.
Local agendas have shifted with changes
in donor interest. While it is important to
address new issues and respond to
evolving needs in the community,
eliminating funding for activities that are
still needed creates confusion and leads
to possible dissolution of organizations
that try to expand their repertoire of
activities to meet donor interests. This
“flavor of the month” programming
prevents sectoral specialization and
encourages organizations to develop
programs in multiple sectors. 
The Cambodian experience indicates
that in some postconflict societies donors
must find approaches for supporting
sectoral specialization. As donors
develop new priorities, they must not
overlook continuing needs in existing
sectors, unless the problems have been
solved. 
FOSTER A VISION FOR WOMEN’S
ORGANIZATIONS CONGRUENT
WITH THE ECONOMIC REALITY
Women’s organizations in Cambodia
follow the example of international NGOs
in their working and living conditions.
Many spend considerable resources on
four-wheel-drive vehicles, spacious
offices, and unnecessary support staff.
Often their expectations and operations
are not congruent with the realities of the
Cambodian situation. 
The international donor community
should take steps to foster a realistic
vision for women’s organizations. The
model needs to be based on grass-roots
organizations in the region. Donors can
create appropriate models through
international visitors programs that
concentrate on the region, rather than on
U.S. or European visits. Donor agencies
should emphasize utilization of local
resources, modeled at an appropriate
level, such as local government agencies.
This “flavor of
the month”
programming
prevents sectoral
specialization
and encourages
organizations to
develop
programs in
multiple sectors.
‘
’
Arcellana, Nancy Pearson. 1998. “Country Report: Cambodia.” Women in Action. 1:72.
Arnvig, Eva. 1994. “Women, Children and Returnees.” Between Hope and Insecurity: The Social
Consequences of the Cambodian Peace Process, edited by Peter Utting. Geneva: United Nations
Research Institute for Social Development. 
Boua, Chanthou. 1992. “Cambodia: Can Women Survive the New ‘Peace’?” Ms. July: 19. 
Boyden, Jo; and Sara Gibbs. 1997. Children of War: Response to Psycho-Social Distress in Cambodia.
Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development.
Brandt, Michele; and Chantol Oung. 1996. “Cambodia’s Obligation to End Violence Against
Women.” Cambodian Journal of International Affairs 1:135.
Cambodia Ministry of Health. 1997. “Special Report.” Phnom Penh.
Cambodia Ministry of Women’s Affairs. 1996. “Physical Abuse.” Phnom Penh.
Cambodia Women’s Crisis Center. 1998. “Helping Women Help Themselves, Bi-Annual Report.”
Phnom Penh. 
“Cambodia: Reconstructing the Fabric of Women’s Lives.” 1994 Connexions 46: 29.
Católico, Olivia. June 1997. “Psychological Well-Being of Cambodian Women in Resettlement.”
ANS: Advances in Nursing Science 19(4:75). 
Chandler, David P. 1991. Tragedy of Cambodia History. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
———1996. A History of Cambodia (2nd ed.). Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.
Ebihara, May M. 1974. “Khmer Village Women in Cambodia.” In Many Sisters: Women in Cross￾Cultural Perspective, edited by C. Matthiasson, 305-47. New York, N.Y.: Free Press.
Ebihara, May M.; Carol A. Mortland; and Judy Ledgerwood. 1994. Cambodia Culture Since 1975:
Homeland and Exile. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.
Findlay, Trevor. 1995. Cambodia: The Legacy and Lessons of UNTAC. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Fiske, Edward B. 1995. Using Both Hands: Women and Education in Cambodia. Manila: Asian
Development Bank.
Frieson, Kate G. 1998. “The Role of Women’s Organizations in Post-Conflict Cambodia.”
Washington: USAID. 
“Her Choice: In Cambodia’s Highlands, Women Are the Ones at the Top.” 1993. Asiaweek. v 19 n 38.
35, September: 22.
Selected Reading
S2 After the Carnage: Women in Postconflict Cambodia
Kiernan, Ben. 1996. The Pol Pot Regime: Race Power and Genocide in Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge:
1975–79. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
Kusakabe, Kyoko; Wang Yunxian; and Govind Kelkar. 1995. “Women and Land Rights in
Cambodia.” Economic and Political Weekly 30(43).
Ledgerwood, Judy. 1992. Analysis of the Situation of Women in Cambodia: Research on Women in Khmer
Society. Phnom Penh: UNICEF.
———. 1994. “Economic Transformations and Gender in a Cambodian Village.” Paper presented at
the Northwest Regional Consortium for Southeast Asian Studies. Seattle.
———. August 1996. “Politics and Gender: Negotiating Conceptions of the Ideal Woman in Present
Day Cambodia.” Asia Pacific Viewpoint 37 (2:139).
Marcus, Rachel. 1995. “Cambodia Case Study.” Unpublished report. Phnom Penh.
Martin, Marie Alexandrine. 1994. Cambodia: A Shattered Society. Berkeley: University of California
Press. 
NGO Forum on Cambodia. 1996. “Study on Differing Approaches to Development Assistance in
Cambodia: NGOs and the European Commission.” INTRAC.
Orvis, Pat. 1993. “Cambodia’s Women: Shouldering the Burden.” Populi 20(3: 8).
Panhavichetr, P. 1993. “Case Studies. The Impact of Armed Conflict on Gender Relations. Case
Study 1: Cambodia.” In J. E. Bushra, and E. P. Lopez (eds.), Development in Conflict: The
Gender Dimension, Report of a workshop held in Thailand, February 1993. Oxford
Discussion Paper 3. 
Rice, Pranee. 1992. “Burdens, Risks and Mental Health of Cambodian Women: A Descriptive Paper.”
Migration Monitor 25/26: 8.
Rozee, Patricia D.; and Gretchen Van Boemel. 1989. “The Psychological Effects of War Trauma and
Abuse on Older Cambodian Refugee Women.” Women & Therapy 8: 23.
Sarayeth, Tive. 1998. “Women and the Media in Cambodia.” Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia.
Phnom Penh.
Secretariat of State for Women’s Affairs. 1995. Women: Key to National Reconstruction: Cambodia’s
Country Report. Phnom Penh. 
Shawcross, William. 1994 Cambodia’s New Deal: A Report. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace. 
Sok, Chivy W. 1995. “Cambodian Women’s Continuing Burden.” Freedom Review: 29–31.
United Nations Children’s Fund. 1990. Cambodia: The Situation of Women and Children. Phnom Penh.
United Nations Development Program. 1998. “Cambodia Human Development Report.”
Government Report, National Assembly of Cambodia. Phnom Penh.
Underwood, Penny. 1996. “Rebuilding Cambodia the Cambodian Way.” Community Quarterly: 
A Journal Focusing on Community Issues 40(48).
Selected Reading S3
xvan de Put, Wilem. Individual and Collective Effects of Stress in the Cambodian Community: Assessment
and Interventions. Transcultural Psychosocial Organization. Phnom Penh. 
van der Wijk, Dieneke. 1997. The Human Side of Conflict: Coping Strategies of Women Heads of
Households in Four Villages in Sri Lanka and Cambodia. Report for the Gender and Learning
Team of Oxfam UK. Oxford, England.
“Women in Site Two (Cambodia).” 1991. Women in Action 3(24).
“Women Shoulder the Burden of Cambodia’s Economy.” 1994. World of Work September: 9(24).