Impact Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Ciudad Juárez, Monterrey, and Tijuana By Pablo Parás, Ph.D. The Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) Vanderbilt University Implemented and Designed by LAPOP Carried Out by Data OPM This study was performed with support from the United States Agency for International Development. The opinions expressed in this study are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the point of view of the United States Agency for International Development. November 2014 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 3 Contents List of Figures 4 List of Tables and Maps 7 Executive Summary: Main Findings 9 Background .......................................................................................................................................... 9 Main Findings 10 Section 1: Background of the Study 16 Difference-in-Difference Design 29 Section 2: The Design of the Study and Impact Evaluation Methods 34 Section 3: Results of the Impact Evaluation 39 I. Evaluating the Programs’ Effectiveness .................................................................................... 39 II. Analysis of Survey Data............................................................................................................... 40 Crime Victimization 42 Fear of Crime and Perception of Insecurity 51 Vulnerability of Young People in the Face of Crime and Gang Activity 62 Social Cohesion 73 Crime Prevention Measures 81 Perception of the Police 93 Government and Institutions 102 Conclusions 110 References 117 Appendices 121 Appendix A: Study Design: A Multi-Site “Cluster Randomized Experiment” (CRE) ............ 121 Selection of Study Areas 123 Stages of the Study and Types of Data Collected by LAPOP 125 Second Round Collection 2014 131 Data Collection Sites Mexico 132 Appendix B: Individual Questionnaire ......................................................................................... 134 Appendix C: Systematic Observation Questionnaire .................................................................. 165 Appendix D: Household Questionnaire ........................................................................................ 168 Appendix E. Pre-Visit Questionnaire ............................................................................................ 175 Appendix F: Focus Group Discussion Guide ................................................................................ 180 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 4 List of Figures Figure 1. Homicide Rates in Mexico 1900 - 2012 ........................................................................... 16 Figure 2. Homicide Rates in Central America and Mexico 2000 - 2012 ........................................ 17 Figure 3. Homicide Rates in the states of interest in Mexico , 2006 – 2012 ................................. 19 Figure 4. Homicide Rates in the municipalities where the research was carried out in Mexico, 2001 – 2011................................................................................................................................... 19 Figure 5. Fear of Crime in Mexico ............................................................................................... 20 Figure 6. Community Organization Due to Fear of Crime ........................................................... 20 Figure 7. Crime Victimization. ..................................................................................................... 21 Figure 8. Crime Victimization within Household......................................................................... 21 Figure 9. Key Demographic Variables in Treatment and Control Communities, 2012-2014 ...... 32 Figure 10. Illustration of Difference-in-Difference Estimator ...................................................... 41 Figure 11. Respondent-Reported Robberies in the Neighborhoods ............................................. 43 Figure 12. Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Robberies in the Presence of Schools on the Block ....................................................................................................................................... 45 Figure 13. Total Crime Victimization ........................................................................................... 46 Figure 14. Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Community in the Past 12 Months .................................. 47 Figure 15.Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Presence of a Catholic Church on the Block ....................................................................................................... 48 Figure 16. Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Presence of a Hospital on the Block.................................................................................................................... 49 Figure 17. Fear of Crime in the Neighborhood............................................................................. 52 Figure 18. Marginal Change in Fear of Crime in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block ........... 53 Figure 19. Concern that the Home will be Robbed ...................................................................... 54 Figure 20. Marginal Change in the Concern that One’s Home will be Robbed in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block ................................................................................................... 55 Figure 21. Marginal Change in Concern that One’s Home will be Robbed in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block .................................................................................................................. 55 Figure 22. Perception of Insecurity of Living in the State ............................................................ 56 Figure 23. Marginal Change in the Perception of Insecurity of Living in the State in the Presence of Churches on the Block .............................................................................................................. 57 Figure 24. Need to Change Neighborhoods Due to Insecurity ..................................................... 58 Figure 25. Knows of an Institution that has Provided Support Activities for Young People ....... 63 Figure 26. Knows of an Institution that has Taken Steps to Help Young People Use their Free Time Better ................................................................................................................................... 64 Figure 27. Marginal Change in the Knowledge of Institutions Working for Young People to Use their Free Time in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block ................................................. 65 Figure 28. Knowledge of a Young Person Who has Consumed Alcohol in Excess in the Past Year ............................................................................................................................................... 66 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 5 Figure 29. Knowledge of a Young Person who has Consumed Drugs in the Past Year .............. 67 Figure 30. Marginal Change in the Knowledge of Young People who Consume Drugs in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block .............................................................................................. 68 Figure 31. Social Cohesion Index ................................................................................................. 74 Figure 32. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block ....................................................................................................................................... 75 Figure 33. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Physical Disorder on the Block .................................................................................................................................. 76 Figure 34. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Churches on the Block ............................................................................................................................................. 77 Figure 35. Interpersonal Trust Additionally, it is important to note two things. .......................... 78 Figure 36. Interpersonal Trust in the Americas ............................................................................ 79 Figure 37. Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge ........................................................................... 81 Figure 38. Marginal Change in Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block .................................................................................................................. 82 Figure 39. Government Provides Adequate Information on Crime Prevention ........................... 83 Figure 40. Police Carry Out Prevention Activities in this Neighborhood .................................... 84 Figure 41. Bought a Firearm for Self-Protection from Crime ...................................................... 85 Figure 42. Avoided Dangerous Areas out of Fear of Crime ......................................................... 86 Figure 43. Marginal Change in Avoiding Passing through Dangerous Areas in One’s Community in the Presence of Physical Disorder on the Block ....................................................................... 87 Figure 44. Built Walls/Fences to Protect Home from Crime........................................................ 88 Figure 45. The Community Is Organized for Crime Prevention .................................................. 89 Figure 46. Marginal Change in Community Organization for Crime Prevention in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block .................................................................................................... 90 Figure 47. Marginal Change in Community Organization for Crime Prevention in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block ................................................................................................... 90 Figure 48. Trust in the Police in the Americas ............................................................................. 94 Figure 49. Trust in the Police ........................................................................................................ 95 Figure 50. Marginal Change in Trust in the Police in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block ............................................................................................................................................. 96 Figure 51. Police Get Involved in Recreational Activities ........................................................... 97 Figure 52. Marginal Change in Reports of the Number of Times that the Police Get Involved in Recreational Activities in the Presence of Schools on the Block ................................................. 98 Figure 53. Satisfaction with Police Performance .......................................................................... 99 Figure 54. Police asked for a Bribe in the Last Year .................................................................. 100 Figure 55. Asked for Help from the Police ................................................................................. 101 Figure 56. Public Works Carried Out in the Neighborhood in the Past Year ............................. 102 Figure 57. Perception that the Municipality is Improving Public Safety ................................... 103 Figure 58. Evaluation of Government Management of Citizen Safety in the Americas ............ 104 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 6 Figure 60. Trust in the Judicial System ...................................................................................... 106 Figure 61. Marginal Change in Trust in the Judicial System in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block ..................................................................................................................................... 107 Figure 62. Marginal Change in Trust in the Judicial System in the Presence of a Catholic Church on the Block ................................................................................................................................ 108 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 7 List of Tables and Maps Table 1. Homicide Rates in (per 100,000 population) in Mexico by State 2006 - 2012 .............. 17 Table 2. Type of Implemented Programs by City and Neighborhood .......................................... 23 Table 3. Sample Distribution by Gender ..................................................................................... 28 Table 4. Sample Dates and Sizes for the Mexico Impact Evaluation ........................................... 28 Table 5. Summary of Qualitative Interviews, Rounds 1 and 2 - Mexico .................................... 29 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 9 Executive Summary: Main Findings Background The USAID Missions in five Central American countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama) have administered and overseen the execution of the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) interventions—a set of programs with the objective of “reducing crime rates and improving security in Central America by strengthening community capacity to combat crimes and creating educational and employment opportunities for at-risk youth”.1 USAID/Washington, via its Cooperative Agreement with the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) at Vanderbilt University, asked LAPOP to design and carry out an impact evaluation of the CARSI interventions in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama. This evaluation was part of a broader effort to establish the effectiveness of USAID democracy and governance interventions through scientifically rigorous studies such as those recommended in the comprehensive study by the National Academy of Sciences (National Research Council 2008).2 LAPOP has more than 20 years of experience in carrying out policy-relevant surveys in Latin America, having conducted hundreds of country-based surveys, including many specialized studies designed to evaluate social programs. In the case of Mexico, via the Merida Initiative, the governments of the United States and Mexico collaborated to improve citizen security in Mexico. Both countries worked in conjunction to reduce the operational ability of organized crime; to strengthen institutional capability to maintain the rule of law; to create a 21st century border policy and to construct strong and resilient communities that are able to confront the pressures of crime and violence. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) supports the efforts of the Mexican government in the construction of strong and resilient communities to foster social cohesion and mitigate the factors that contribute directly to violence and crime. The activities that are carried out during this effort focus on nine neighborhoods (polígonos) located in three cities on the Mexican-US border: Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua; Monterrey, Nuevo León; and Tijuana, Baja California. 1 See, http://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/central-america, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/148416.pdf. 2 One of the authors of this report, Mitchell A. Seligson, was a member of the National Academy of Science study cited above. The impact evaluation was designed by Abby Córdova, who was also responsible for the implementation of the project in the first two rounds in her role as a post-doctoral fellow at Vanderbilt University and staff member at LAPOP. Dr. Córdova left the project in July 2012 before the final round of the study was completed to take up a position at the University of Kentucky. We also wish to acknowledge the constant and dedicated support of Eric Kite, Vanessa Reilly, and Jeremy Biddle at USAID Washington, as well as the extensive cooperation we received from USAID personnel in Mexico and Central America. We also much appreciate the cooperation we received from the implementing partners, and, most of all, the countless public officials and citizens of Mexico who gave freely of their time to make this impact evaluation possible. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 10 These neighborhoods constitute large geographical zones (of one or more colonias) pre￾established and classified as high-risk and/or of being in need of attention. They were identified based off of specific criteria such as high levels of criminality and local violence prevention and social development programs. The programs implemented in each neighborhood may vary in theme and coverage and they do not necessarily have a direct impact on the whole population or on the entire geographical area that makes up the neighborhood. Said programs were implemented in a country that has experienced a significant increase in recent years in the main indicators of crime and violence, including both crime victimization and perception of insecurity.3 Based on the CARSI experience described above, LAPOP launched a study evaluating the impact of the programs implemented since 2013 in these nine neighborhoods. There are two key differences in the impact evaluation carried out in Mexico compared to those evaluations carried out in CARSI: in all of the countries except Honduras, LAPOP carried out three rounds of data collection (one base line and two follow-ups) and in Mexico, up to the present moment, only two. Furthermore, the design in Mexico is quasi-experimental given that the treatment neighborhoods were not randomly selected like in the CARSI countries that have an experimental design. From the beginning, the plan was to evaluate the programs implemented in the nine neighborhoods of the three cities selected for the crime prevention strategy that USAID implemented in conjunction with the Mexican Federal Government. Between September and December 2012, a “base-line” study was carried out that included a random sampling of households in each neighborhood, systematic observations of the infrastructure, social cohesion conditions within the colonia, a random sampling of individuals, and a complementary qualitative study using focus groups. Between March and June of 2014, we repeated the sample of individuals and the qualitative study. Main Findings To summarize the main findings of the impact evaluation of the community intervention programs implemented by USAID under the Merida Initiative in the neighborhoods of the cities of Tijuana, Monterrey, and Ciudad Juárez, we conclude that only some outcomes in the treatment communities improve more than what they would have improved if the USAID programs had not been implemented. Other indicators move in the correct direction but the change, compared with the change in the control neighborhoods, is smaller than what we could have expected, which may mean that the programs still are not having all the possible impact or that it is not going to improve more. However, a group of additional indicators in the treatment group move in the opposite direction than expected which implies that they get worse and/or that 3 For figures on the historical trends of said indicators, see INEGI, ICESI and/or the National System of Public Safety. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 11 the programs have not been able to favorably impact the indicators or at least manage to contain their negative trend. Among the main results obtained in the quantitative phase of the study, we find that the USAID violence prevention programs have increased the support for the government or its actions in the treatment neighborhoods, specifically:  59% greater knowledge of the institutions that carry out actions for the youth to use their time better than would be expected in the absence of the programs  120% greater knowledge of the institutions that support the youth than would be expected in the absence of the programs  160% greater reported cases of police doing prevention activities than would be expected in the absence of the programs  17% greater reported cases of police working with children and young people in recreational activities than would be expected in the absence of the programs Regarding the positive improvements in the treatment group that show a smaller change than what would be expected given the implemented programs, we report that: (1) there is a reduction in crime victimization; (2) there is a decrease in fear of crime and insecurity perception, and (3) certain improvements in the prevention of violence and young people’s level of vulnerability. Regarding the changes in the opposite direction from the desired one, we report the following findings for the treatment neighborhoods:  Decrease in the social cohesion index  Decrease in interpersonal trust  Decrease in the perception that the community is organized to prevent crime  Increase in the reported knowledge of young people consuming drugs or alcohol in excess  Decrease in confidence in the police, police performance  Increase in the incidence of solicitation of bribes  Increase in individual fear indicators In most cases, the quantitative results of the effectiveness of crime prevention programs in the USAID treatment neighborhoods were complemented by qualitative information which helped to explain some of the results. It is important to point out that the qualitative component of the study is limited given that is not generalizable to the population as a whole and because it was carried out at the city level and not at the neighborhood level. For example, the police focus group, although it provided information on a key actor, could not be generalized to other individuals’ opinions. Furthermore, the police almost always have jurisdiction over a greater area than the communities in which we conducted our surveys, generally police precincts are assigned to the treated neighborhoods, control neighborhoods, and non-treated neighborhoods; Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 12 and police, as well, found it understandably difficult, if not impossible, to isolate a neighborhood out of all of those that they covered. The schools invariably attract students from various neighborhoods, some treated, some in the control groups and some non-treated. For this reason, we depend above all on quantitative information from the survey, comparing the treated communities and non-treated communities in our impact evaluation given that the surveys were conducted at the level for which the study was designed. Also, it is important to point out that in the CARSI countries, during the qualitative phase, we carried out, on top of focus groups, in￾depth interviews with key actors which allowed us, in some cases, to focus on particular community characteristics, which was not possible in Mexico. The qualitative information, however, has a number of advantages that we do not find in the quantitative information. One of these advantages is that through the qualitative information we see a greater perspective than the individuals’ perspective reported in our surveys which comes from their own limited experience in their neighborhoods. In the qualitative research, it is possible to have follow-up and in-depth questions to follow interesting lines of research. Nevertheless, with all its strengths, in contrast with the quantitative information, the qualitative information could not show the magnitude of the change over time nor could it control for factors that may be influenced by demographic and socio-economic variables in the same way our quantitative analysis could do. To summarize, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative data in order to triangulate our analysis with the objective of presenting the most complete, most precise picture of the impact of USAID’s violence prevention program. Next, we describe some unique and key findings obtained in the focus groups that we consider relevant to USAID. In this executive summary, we highlight the points that we considered most important while carrying out the group sessions in Mexico whose objective was to evaluate the impact of crime prevention programs in Ciudad Juárez, Monterrey, and Tijuana. We remind the reader that the focus groups discussed crime victimization, violence, gangs, and organized crime in general and how these issues affect the youth, the priority interest group for the programs. The main results are: 1. Family: both low- and high-risk youth consider that family is an issue that directly impacts their lives, especially with respect to the disintegration of family and the loss or lack of transmission of values within the family. They perceive a lack of parental attention which can create a series of significant problems such as drug addiction and juvenile delinquency. Children may grow up with and live with little company and adult supervision given that parents have to go to work. This factor can push they youth to take to the streets in search of companionship which may take the form of joining gangs that end up pushing them to vandalism and drugs. In part, the success of organized crime organizations depends on detecting these vulnerable groups, infiltrating the groups, and recruiting weak or abandoned youth. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 13 2. School and work opportunities for the youth: young peoples’ lack of educational opportunities and low expectations for the their future employment possibilities may create feelings of being marginalized and of not having much hope of developing a full life. In spite of the fact that schools make an effort to retain students and provide them with recreational, athletic, and cultural activities, there is a high index of school desertion reported which can be explained by: having to support the family, behavioral or drug problems, or simply because there is no one to guide them or mentor them in a meaningful way. In particular, the youth, above all high-risk youth, are immersed in a very violent social atmosphere, with cases of vandalism and gang activity reported inside and outside of educational centers. 3. School violence: in the opinion of many of the participants, school violence seems to have increased over the past few years; in part because of the diminished presence or total absence of authority figures in the school, be it teachers or school administrators, which has led to aggressions within the entire school population, both students and teachers alike. It is thought that part of the problem is the downfall of controlling structures and the absence of authority figures. It seems that teachers and students identify with each other and even maintain a peer-like relationship in which they exchange drugs and alcohol. This situation is not generalized; however it could be a significant problem in the long run. 4. Insecurity: in the three cities where we carried out the study, the youth mentioned that their main problem is insecurity due to the fact that assaults, robberies and vandalism are close to their lives. In the same way, the adults that participated in the sessions (business leaders and public officials) mentioned that people live this problem on a daily basis because they feel threatened and extorted continually. It is reported that extortion is a common practice, above all practiced against business owners who have had to close their businesses and have their earnings cut significantly. Furthermore, they live terrorized by juvenile delinquents. Although it is incipient, there are methods of organization among the population to prevent crime in their communities, such as Vecino vigilante (Neighbor Vigilante), private security and community police letting people know about prevention strategies. 5. Economic situation: it is reported as a serious problem for the population in general but it affects the youth in a significant way. In the surveyed households, salaries are low in the majority of the cases and young people have very few alternatives - and many times, it seems that continuing education is one of the least likely alternatives. Parents ask their children for help with the daily expenses and do not always get a job themselves. This could be the beginning of undesirable behavior such as robbery which can develop into assault and escalate from there into the aggressor becoming a member of a gang or criminal organization. In high-risk youth, we observe a direct relation between this situation and the increase in crime and even more, the enrollment of the youngest to organized crime. The younger they are (small children), the more vulnerable they are. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 14 6. Drugs: for high-risk youth, the issue of drug addiction and drug and weapon trafficking is a constant in their lives. Many of these young people have been involved in problems with the law in their municipalities, which forces them to behave better. However, by being part of this criminal environment, they tend to recidivate and it is complicated to break out of this vicious cycle. It has been mentioned that programs that have been implemented to avoid the introduction of drugs into schools have been somewhat effective although not completely satisfactory. Sometimes, high-risk youth after having been in contact with the police, public officials or judges, have become less trusting of the authorities and institutions because they have been victims of abuse and corruption. 7. Actions to improve security: a number of actions have been implemented to fight crime such as increasing the number of police officers patrolling the street and the involvement of marines and soldiers. According to some of the participants, even when an improvement in public safety is mentioned, it would seem that organized crime has resisted the implementation of actions/programs and has managed to get through to entire families that now dedicate themselves to and live off of drug trafficking (and cease to be interested in other legal money-making options even when the alternative, drug trafficking, runs a great risk). Under this system, there are children and youth that grow up and are educated in this environment and under this influence. 8. Knowledge of programs: in general terms, we observe in the two rounds (2012 and 2014) that people do not know much about the different programs that have been implemented and they do not have information about the particular objectives of each program or who runs them, what they are about, what their benefits are and even less about how to access them. The most frequently mentioned program is the D.A.R.E. (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) carried out by the police. This program is the most recognized out of other talks offered by the police that are seen as less credible just because the police give those talks – an institution that does not enjoy a great amount of trust amongst citizens. 9. Perception of the methods and reach of organized crime: it is perceived that some modes of communication have been leaving out some of the activities that organized crime carries out. For this reason, it would seem that organized criminal activities have been decreasing but there is no information or news reports on this topic. However, one difference with respect to the 2012 round of surveys, is that before, these organizations were localized in 2 or 3 colonias within the municipalities, which were considered the most dangerous. However, in the 2014 round, the perception is that organized crime has extended to more colonias which implies that sales of drugs, extortions, and kidnappings have spread, and that drug traffickers are operating in practically every area of the city. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 15 10. Preventative measures: different preventive measures have been identified by participants, such as Escuela Segura (Safe School), Mochila Segura (Safe Backpack), the presence of police when children enter and exit schools, private security in schools and businesses, closed-circuit television (CCTV), among others. These measures have tried to create greater security in both education centers and businesses. However, these measures are not perceived as key factors in the fight against organized crime. In spite of the fact that some public and private institutions such as the IMSS, DIF, or the Church carry out talks and recreational activities for the youth, their outcomes are not perceived. The reality, as some see, goes far beyond supporting young people of a certain profile. The truth is that the majority of children do not have a base of values on which to support themselves. 11. Institutional Trust: there would seem to be a marked difference between insecurity and fear of organized crime. Those interviewed in the 2014 round of surveys feel more secure when walking in their neighborhoods, including at night (something that they have not done since a few years back) due to the fact that the police have improved their image, prompting people to feel more trust in them. However, with respect to organized crime, people keep being fearful to have to encounter it or report it. People know that the reprisals are enormous; reporting a member of a criminal organization would mean risking their integrity or the integrity of their family. Although now there are more ways to report and a little more security thanks to anonymous reporting, these mechanisms need to be more widely used. Reporting continues to be an issue that inspires fear and distrust because people not only fear reprisals from the criminals but they also do not trust public officials and institutions. 12. Justice System: In 2014, the police, public prosecutors, and judges seem to do slightly better in their public image and performance. Respondents highlight that the judges and public prosecutors are now more difficult to corrupt than the police. Given that the police is the first institution with whom criminals have contact, the possibility of corruption rises since it is in their hands to let the offender go after being paid a bribe, neglecting to hand them over to the public prosecutor’s office. Although people acknowledge the effort that has been made to better train and improve the police, the difference in salaries between police and public prosecutors and judges makes the perception of corruption increase. This summary does not include the dozens of comments captured in the focus groups, some of which are presented going forward in the text of the report. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 16 Section 1: Background of the Study This study evaluates the impact of USAID’s violence prevention programs in three states in Northern Mexico. The broader series of studies will also include the cases of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Panama. In this section of the report, we present a brief background on the violence in Mexico and Central America that spurned the implementation of the anti￾violence programs under examination herein. Given that the literature on regional violence is vast, we do not summarize it here; rather our focus is on the impact evaluation itself and on the rich results that have emerged from the research. Mexico has been one of the countries where violence has grown the most over the last decade in Latin America. This growth can be clearly observed by reviewing the homicide rate data. These data show that after a slight reduction until 2004, the homicide rate climbed considerably (from 8.5 homicides per 10,000 inhabitants in 2004 to 22.8 in 2012) as seen in Figure 1. Figure 1. Homicide Rates in Mexico 1900 - 2012 Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Homicide Statistics 2000-2011, INEGI 2012. In a comparative perspective with Central America, countries like Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala have significantly higher homicide rates than Mexico as seen in Figure 2. 0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 HOMIDICE RATES IN MEXICO Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 17 Figure 2. Homicide Rates in Central America and Mexico 2000 - 2012 Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Homicide Statistics 2000-2012 Even though the growth of violence in Mexico has impacted the entire country, said violence has regional components that cannot be ignored. There are states and regions in Mexico where expressions of violence such as homicide have a greater presence. In Table 1, we can see the evolution of homicide rates for each of the 32 states in Mexico. Table 1. Homicide Rates in (per 100,000 population) in Mexico by State 2006 - 2012 State 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Aguascalientes 2 4 5 6 6 7 4 Baja California 16 12 33 48 47 25 18 Baja California Sur 5 6 6 5 8 6 5 Campeche 4 6 7 7 6 6 9 Coahuila 4 4 7 10 16 26 41 Colima 7 7 9 9 20 24 39 Chiapas 12 2 6 11 4 4 8 Chihuahua 20 15 76 105 182 126 77 Federal District 9 9 10 11 12 12 12 Durango 11 11 26 61 66 63 48 Guanajuato 4 4 5 9 8 11 12 Guerrero 24 23 30 54 45 70 77 Honduras El Salvador Guatemala Mexico Panama Nicaragua Costa Rica 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 HOMICIDE RATES IN CENTRAL AMERICA Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 18 Hidalgo 2 3 3 6 4 8 6 Jalisco 7 6 8 9 14 20 20 Mexico 12 8 10 12 14 17 18 Michoacán 23 13 15 21 16 19 18 Morelos 8 7 12 15 27 25 36 Nayarit 10 10 15 18 49 52 24 Nuevo León 4 6 5 7 20 45 38 Oaxaca 14 15 16 16 19 17 18 Puebla 6 5 6 6 6 7 8 Querétaro 4 3 4 5 4 6 6 Quintana Roo 6 10 11 11 11 12 11 San Luis Potosí 6 6 8 8 14 14 17 Sinaloa 17 14 30 51 85 69 48 Sonora 10 12 17 21 27 20 19 Tabasco 7 7 7 8 9 10 8 Tamaulipas 11 6 8 10 28 32 46 Tlaxcala 4 3 5 7 5 7 6 Veracruz 5 5 4 9 6 13 13 Yucatán 2 3 3 2 2 3 2 Zacatecas 6 5 7 9 9 19 30 Source: INEGI, 2012. As the data show, the northern region of the country is where we find the highest homicide rates and where this indicator has increased the most. This is clearly observed in the states of Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Tamaulipas. In the south, the states of Guerrero and Morelos display the greatest increase in murder rates. Figure 3 shows the comparative evolution of homicide rates of the states where the three cities in our impact evaluation study are: Baja California, Chihuahua, and Nuevo León. Since 2007, the three states experienced a considerable increase in their homicide rates. In the graph, we observe a smaller incidence in Baja California and Nuevo León since their trends are softened by the sharp increase in Chihuahua – an increase especially explained by events of 2009 in Ciudad Juárez that led to a homicide rate of 186 killings per 100,000 inhabitants, making this Mexican region one of the most violent in the world. From 2010-2011, an increased presence of the federal government in these areas of the country decreased significantly the violence at the state level, although it should be underscored that this indicator remains above the national average. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 19 Figure 3. Homicide Rates in the states of interest in Mexico , 2006 – 2012 Source: INEGI 2012. In Figure 4, we can see that the homicide rate in the cities where the intervention and fieldwork were carried out is very high. In the three cases-Ciudad Juárez, Tijuana, and Monterrey- the indicator was higher than the national average in 2011, just one year before the implementation of the programs evaluated by LAPOP. In the extreme case, Juarez, the rate is 209, while it is 60 in Tijuana, and 37 in Monterrey. It worth noting that in 2001, the homicide rate in Ciudad Juárez was 18, meaning that the growth from 2001 to 2011 was more than 1000% Figure 4. Homicide Rates in the municipalities where the research was carried out in Mexico, 2001 – 2011 Source: INEGI 2012, Secretaría de Salud, 2012. 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 HOMICIDE RATES Baja California Chihuahua Nuevo León Media nacional 0 50 100 150 200 250 2001 2006 2011 HOMICIDE RATES Tijuana Juárez Monterrey Media nacional National Average National Average Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 20 The preliminary data that the authorities have provided for 2012 and 2013 show a decrease in violence as much as for homicides as for other high impact criminal activities such as kidnapping. This appears to be due to diverse factors such as the change of focus in the anti￾violence strategies employed by the federal government, the participation of local government and the involvement of different sectors of civil society. This trend is not necessarily reflected at the national level in the AmericasBarometer’s indicators given that, as we observe in Figures 5 and 8, the indicators of perception of fear and crime victimization have remained the same between 2012 and 2014. Figure 5. Fear of Crime in Mexico Source: AmericasBarometer2012 2014. Figure 6. Community Organization Due to Fear of Crime 87% 85% 13% 15% 2012 2014 Have you felt the need to move away from your neighborhood due to fear of crime? No 83% 83% 17% 17% 2012 2014 Out of fear of crime, have you organized with the neighbors in your community? No Sí Yes Yes Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 21 Source: AmericasBarometer2012 2014. Figure 7. Crime Victimization. Source: AmericasBarometer2012 2014. Figure 8. Crime Victimization within Household. Source: AmericasBarometer2012 2014. USAID, via its Cooperative Agreement with the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) at Vanderbilt University, asked LAPOP to design and carry out an impact evaluation of the interventions under the Merida initiative in Ciudad Juárez, Monterrey, and Tijuana. This evaluation is part of a broader effort to establish the effectiveness of USAID democracy and governance interventions through scientifically rigorous studies such as those recommended in the comprehensive study by the National Academy of Sciences (National Research Council 23% 23% 77% 77% 2012 2014 Have you been a victim of any type of crime in the past 12 months? Sí No 22% 25% 78% 76% 2012 2014 Has any other person living in your household been a victim of any type of crime in the past 12 months? Sí No Yes Yes Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 22 2008). Other assistance organizations and government policymakers have similarly recognized the importance of program evaluations like one conducted by LAPOP (Sherman et al. 1998; Bamberger et al. 2010). While previous studies have shown that USAID assistance programs in favor of strengthening democracy and governance (DG) have been very helpful increasing democracy levels in recipient countries, there are few rigorous evaluations of how and under what conditions assistance is effective (Finkel et al. 2007; Azpuru et al. 2008; Finkel et al. 2008; Seligson et al. 2009). To be clear, scores of evaluations have been done in the DG arena, but most of them have been post-hoc and have not included both baseline and control groups, with the result that there is no real way of knowing what the end-of-project conditions would have looked like in the absence of the program. The USAID Merida-CARSI program offers a unique opportunity for carrying out such a study, and LAPOP is uniquely suited to perform the evaluation. LAPOP has more than 20 years of experience carrying out policy-relevant surveys in Latin America and has conducted hundreds of country-based surveys, including many specialized studies designed to evaluate social programs. The implementation of scientifically rigorous evaluations of crime prevention programs is a particularly pressing issue for the Latin American region. Violent crime has increased sharply during the democratization period in the region. The region has, and has had for some years, the highest rates of social violence and crime in the world outside of Sub-Saharan Africa (Casas￾Zamora 2013). Increased insecurity poses high costs for Latin American economies through lost human and physical capital (e.g., PNUD 2005; CEPAL 2011; IDB 2012). Furthermore, as LAPOP surveys often find, fear of crime and crime victimization erode social cohesion and citizens’ confidence in core institutions—both core elements for democratic stability. In the face of these problems, there have been numerous efforts to prevent crime among at-risk youth, especially in countries with a significant gang presence, violence, and crime. However, as many studies point out, despite these valuable efforts, little is known about their true impact (Moser and Van Bronkhorst 1999; Moser, Winton, and Moser 2005) or consequently about how to prevent crime and violence effectively. In this sense, USAID’s initiative to support a scientifically rigorous evaluation of Merida-CARSI crime prevention interventions is of great importance for broadening academics’ and policy makers’ understanding of crime prevention, and in turn, for promoting effective governance in the region. Based on information from USAID’s Democracy and Government mission in Mexico, we created a table to show the programs that have been implemented at the city level and in the treatment neighborhoods. The programs are grouped in five broad categories: implementation of the master plan, youth, public sanitation, communication, and prevention. For some of these categories, as Table 2 shows, there is more than one type of activity. The actions that took place after August of 2013 are highlighted in yellow to show that many of the programs that we are evaluating in this report have been recently implemented. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 23 Additionally, we show that for some of the categories such as prevention strategies, the city coverage is disparate. These may be factors that could directly impact the results of our evaluation. Table 2. Type of Implemented Programs by City and Neighborhood Evaluation Design and Data Sources This impact evaluation study analyzes the effect of USAID’s violence prevention programs in nine high-risk neighborhoods. These neighborhoods were selected by the crime prevention strategy that USAID implements in three cities of northern states in conjunction with the Mexican federal government in order to determine whether or not they have been effective in achieving the following strategic objectives aimed at building strong and resilient communities:  Strengthen the ability and participation of the community to prevent and reduce crime;  Assist the capability of state and local governments in the implementation of crime prevention and violence reduction programs; and  Foster the participation of at-risk youth in prevention programs and recreational activities that make them less vulnerable to crime and violence. In order to determine the effectiveness of these programs, LAPOP developed a scientifically rigorous evaluation design known as “clustered randomized experimental” (CRE) design. The Improve Community Organizations Capacity Conflict Resolution ,social networks to prevent violence Stregthen NGOS Stop youth involvement in crime Youth model Victims Assistance and Community improvement Comunication Crime prevention and social assistance Planification support to crime prevention strategy Felipe Angeles X Y X Y X X Francisco y Madero X Y 1/2 Y X X Reiveras del Bravo X Y X Y X X Independencia X Y X X X X Nuevo Almaguer X Y X X X X La Alianza X X Y X X X Granjas Familiares X Y XXX Y X X X Camino Verdde X Y XX Y X X X Mariano Matamoros X Y XX Y X X X= indicates the number of programs Y= indicates implementation at city level 1/2= indicates program implemented only in some poligonos Master Plan Implementation Youth Prevention Poligono Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 24 main features of LAPOP’s research design, following the National Academy of Sciences’ recommendations are: (1) Collection of data in the selected units before and during the implementation of the programs; ideally, a baseline study and two mid-point measurements, but in the case of Mexico, so far, only one measurement has been collected after the baseline study. (2) Random assignment of units to either a “treatment” or “control” group (i.e., units that are to be treated by the program and units that in all other respects are eligible for but do not participate in or benefit from the program). In the case of Mexico, the assignment of treatment neighborhoods was not done randomly since they were chosen under the criteria of the federal program known as Convivir Mejor (Live Better Program). The study’s point of departure is the cities and communities within the selected cities for the crime prevention programs implemented by USAID in conjunction with the Mexican federal government.4 The cities selected for those strategies are Ciudad Juárez, Monterrey, and Tijuana. Within each of these three cities, and following the Mexican government’s criteria, three geographical areas or neighborhoods were selected for the implementation of specific action programs with community involvement. These nine delineated geographical areas constitute the treatment neighborhoods where the impact evaluations of action programs were implemented. For the purposes of this report, the terms colonias, comunidades, and polígonos will be used interchangeably. (All three terms mean “neighborhood” in English). Within each of the three cities, we selected three control neighborhoods with the follow general selection criteria in mind: (a) that they are not adjacent or very close to the treatment neighborhoods; (b) that they have similar characteristics of the treatment communities; and (c) that crime prevention programs were not going to be implemented within them. Additionally, five communities were selected – two in Ciudad Juárez, one in Monterrey, and two in Tijuana– that were classified as “no-risk” whose main characteristic was that their economic and social indicators were comparatively better than the treatment and control neighborhoods. The former yields a total of 23 neighborhoods: 9 treatment, 9 control and 5 “no-risk” communities that make up the entire geographic reach of our research. Details on the control and “no-risk” neighborhood selection procedure are described later in this chapter. In Section 2, we present a map for each city where we identify the treatment and “no￾risk” neighborhoods. Quantitative data consist of: (1) Baseline surveys 4 These programs are independent and/or additional to others that the federal, state, or municipal governments in these cities could have had. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 25 The baseline data characterize the population of study in both treatment and control groups in order to assess the starting condition, or the baseline condition, from which changes over time would be measured. Quantitative baseline information was collected in the second half of 2012. Phase I: Pre-visit of neighborhoods: As a first step in the survey process, researchers determined the eligible control neighborhoods (comparable to the treatment ones). The information that we collected in the pre-visits helped us to determine whether or not the neighborhoods fulfilled the pre-established criteria to be compared to the treatment neighborhoods. A short questionnaire by neighborhood was developed in order to take the selection's predetermined criteria into account. Phase II: Enumeration of individuals in the selected neighborhoods: The objective of the enumeration was to determine (1) the current number of households and their characteristics in each neighborhood and (2) the current number of individuals living in each household and their characteristics. The enumeration data enabled LAPOP to generate a sampling frame for the design of the individual-level surveys. LAPOP administered a short questionnaire for the enumeration (Appendix C) to 8,177 households. This enumeration information was only collected in the baseline round to serve as a sample framework from which to draw the samples for the individual surveys that make up the quantitative base of the impact evaluation. Phase III: Systematic observation of selected neighborhood: The systematic observation of the selected neighborhoods provided an objective measure of the resources and physical and social disorder in the neighborhoods. Literature on the problem of crime and violence suggest that the context in which one lives is important. A systematic observation of each one of the neighborhoods included in the sample was carried out by trained observers using a specialized survey at the neighborhood level developed by LAPOP for each of the selected neighborhoods (Appendix B). Measurements were taken at the level of the block (portion of the city block, typically one of the four sides of a rectangular city block) and include the resources (such as schools and churches) and risk factors (such as abandoned houses, trash in the street, and other signs of social decay) observed in the neighborhood. Those observations at the city block level were added to the observations at the neighborhood level so that LAPOP could create a context variable for each one of the neighborhoods. The context information was used as part of a “multi-level” statistical analysis in order to determine whether or not we could detect some impact of the context on the results. Phase IV: Qualitative neighborhood-level survey of stakeholders: The face-to-face questionnaire at the individual level developed by LAPOP (Appendix A) contains questions designed to measure results of the programs beyond socio￾economic indicators, demographics and other variables used as controls. The control variables allow us to statistically adjust the results for treated neighborhoods and non￾treated neighborhoods, and therefore to make them more similar to each one than what Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 26 they could have been otherwise. For example, a given community could have more young people than another, and since age is associated with many variables that affect crime, we need to control for this difference. On the other hand, there are unmeasured variables about each individual and neighborhood for which we could not control. This is merely a limitation of any social science project, not a problem with the design, because it is impossible to collect information on the infinite number of variables that define each individual (intelligence, life experience, presence of disease, reading ability, etc.). One adult per household (defined as a voting age adult) was interviewed in person at his or her home. The survey participants within the household were selected by sample quotas based on the enumeration data from Phase II to ensure that the sample reflected the demographics of the neighborhood. The fieldwork for the first round of individual level surveys in Mexico took place between September and November of 2012. (For more detailed information on dates of fieldwork, see Table 2.) Another source of information that we took into consideration was the research generated by LAPOP in their hemispheric survey called the AmericasBarometer. Every two years, LAPOP conducts surveys at the national level for 26 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. For Mexico, we have biannual information from 2004 to 2014. These surveys, although they do not have the variety and quantity of questions on crime and violence included in the individual questionnaire of our impact evaluation, do take a number of important and identical questions into consideration on this issue. Therefore, we are able to draw comparisons against the results at the national level. (2) Final Evaluation: The final evaluation whose function was evaluating the results against the baseline was carried out for the majority of programs after 12 or more months of being implemented and was completed during the months of March and June 2014. In total, we carried out 6,113 interviews in the three cities (4,957 in the control neighborhoods, 4,383 in the treatment neighborhoods and 2,735 in the “no-risk” neighborhoods). In this wave, we repeated research phases III and IV as well as the qualitative research using focus groups. For the systematic observations and individual interviews we returned to the same neighborhoods and in some cases to the same households interviewed in the baseline although we also included adults from other households. In both waves, the samples from each neighborhood were representative of and comparable to all the households. A summary of the waves, disaggregated by respondents’ gender, appears in the tables below. In the baseline, we obtained a distribution of adults with a percentage of women around 56%. We tried to replicate the same results for the second round, but it was not possible given the greater presence of women in the home and the mobility and rejection of males (see Table 3). We carried out a total of 2,815 systematic observations (information of the physical characteristics of the city blocks where we carried out the surveys). We obtained 1,222 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 27 interviews in the control neighborhoods, 673 in the “no-risk” neighborhoods and 920 in the treatment neighborhoods. In Table 4, we show the dates on which we carried out the interviews in both rounds. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 28 Table 3. Sample Distribution by Gender Individual Level Respondents to the Impact Evaluation INCLUDING Non-at-Risk Neighborhoods Percent Male (N) Percent Female (N) Total (N) Baseline (2012) 43.3 (2,580) 56.7 (3,382) 100 (5,962) Final Evaluation (2014) 38.0 (2,322) 62.0 (3,791) 100 (6,113) TOTALS 40.6 (4,902) 59.4 (7,173) 100 (12,075) EXCLUDING Non-at-Risk Neighborhoods Percent Male (N) Percent Female (N) Total (N) Baseline (2012) 41.8 (1,957) 58.2 (2,726) 100 (4,683) Final Evaluation (2014) 36.4 (1,694) 63.6 (2,963) 100 (4,657) TOTALS 39.1 (3,651) 60.9 (5,689) 100 (9,340) Table 4. Sample Dates and Sizes for the Mexico Impact Evaluation At Risk Non-at-Risk Treatment Control Round Dates Commu nities Inter views Comm unities Inter views Dates Comm unities Inter views Totals 1 9/12/2012 – 11/04/2012 8 2,323 9 2,360 9/20/2012 – 10/30/2012 5 1,279 5,962 2 3/25/2014 – 17/5/2014 8 2,060 9 2,597 4/14/2014 – 5/28/2014 5 1,456 6,113 Totals 16 4,383 18 4,957 10 2,735 12,075 Beyond the quantitative research, LAPOP carried out qualitative research to have more reliable results. The interpretation of the dynamic of the communities under investigation and finally, of the impact of the project was reinforced a great deal by obtaining the qualitative information. The qualitative part was used in an interactive fashion as part of a multi-method strategy: the interviews with residents in the communities under investigation and focus groups. The questionnaires utilized are found in Appendix E. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 29 Table 5. Summary of Qualitative Interviews, Rounds 1 and 2 - Mexico Round 1 Round 2 TOTAL Focus Groups 12 12 24 Difference-in-Difference Design The core of the quantitative study is an analysis of survey data using a “clustered randomized experimental” (CRE) design to allow for the comparison between the control and treatment groups over time. As we mentioned before, in the case of Mexico we have a quasi-experimental design given that the treatment neighborhoods were not randomly selected. A Difference-In￾Difference (DID) estimator is a widely used econometric technique in impact evaluation that dates back thirty years to the work of Ashenfelter and Card (1985)5 and has become one of the “gold standards” in the field. It has the distinct advantage of controlling for what econometricians call “omitted variable bias,” since changes in the national economy, employment, and overall crime rates can impact the control and treatment groups, whereas in the case of a before-and-after study on the treatment group alone, it would be impossible to distinguish if such factors were responsible for changes in the treatment group rather than the treatment alone. It is, of course, not the only approach to measuring impact, but in the study we carried out, it was the most obvious and logical. For example, another widely used approach, that of regression discontinuity, works in situations in which detailed information about the population is already available (e.g., all have taken an entrance examination and some have scored just above the pass level and others have scored just below), but that was not the case in the violence prevention study in Mexico. The DID estimator was utilized to estimate both the difference between the treatment and control groups and the difference between each group and itself at a later time. The treatment is considered effective at the point of evaluation if outcomes in the treatment group improve significantly more (or decline less) than they would have if the treatment had not been administered. One of the most important features of this model is that it does not require that the treatment and control groups have identical starting values, since what is of interest is the trend in each group and the difference between these trends.6 We estimate a counterfactual case with 5 Orley Ashenfelter and David Card, “Using the Longitudinal Structure of Earnings to Estimate the Effect of Training Programs,” The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 67, No. 4. (Nov., 1985), pp. 648-660. 6 One challenge to the DID estimator is when one of the two groups is affected by something other than the treatment, but that factor is not present in the other group. Since our study relies on many neighborhoods and is spread across several municipalities, the chances of the occurrence of a situation like that are very low. As far as we know from the qualitative reports from the field, no such factor was present. We hasten to note that when a change occurs that affects both treatment and control, our results remain robust. The truce with the gangs, discussed in this report, is exactly one such change that was nationwide and thus affected both of our groups and did not undermine the results of the study. Another challenge to the DID estimator is when the composition of treatment or control changes over time. We checked for this, and found that on the key observables (education, wealth, age, etc.) the groups did not change over the course of the experiment. In short, the challenges to causal inference in this study are minimal but, as in all social science work, cannot be ruled out entirely, with the greatest challenge being that of external validity. That is, the treatment may be effective in the municipalities studied but nowhere else. However, Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 30 the model parameters to simulate what the outcome would be if no treatment had been administered. The counterfactual case is the change in the control group over time but at the same levels of the treatment group. Thus, the difference between the estimated counterfactual case and the predicted level7 of the treatment group is considered the “treatment effect.” The “treatment effect” is the impact that can be said to have been caused by the intervention The multi-level nature of the data gathered by LAPOP and the design of the study made it possible for the outcome to be evaluated at the individual level while taking into account features of the neighborhood to determine the way in which the effectiveness of the programs varies across environments. Thus, it is possible to identify the features of neighborhoods (or even countries in cross-national studies) that contribute to the success of the program. As the number of countries in our study was very small, country characteristics could not be a major focus of our analysis since each country differs in innumerable ways from each other (GNP, income distribution, education levels, ethnicity, population density, etc.). In effect, we had too many variables and not enough countries. But variation at the community level, once all of the countries in the LAPOP CARSI impact evaluation are included, may well give us some analytical power and significant results. Using multi-level modeling techniques, the study draws statistical inferences about the effectiveness of the programs and the effect of the context in which the programs were implemented. The parallel paths assumption: threat to causal inference. The experimental design and DID estimator allow us to draw inferences from the collected data about the overall effectiveness of the programs. Like all methodologies, the DID estimator is based on assumptions that, if violated, can pose threats to these inferences. The most problematic assumption inherent in the DID estimator is that of parallel paths. 8 The DID methodology assumes that the trend observed over time in the control communities is the same as that which would have been observed in the treatment community if the treatment programs had not been implemented. For example, if there is an increase in perceptions of insecurity in the control communities over time, we would expect to see the same trend in the treatment communities if the treatment were not implemented (or if it were ineffective). The parallel path assumption refers to the changes in the outcome over time, not the starting or ending levels. This assumption is made explicit in the construction of the counterfactual case used to derive the treatment effect. The counterfactual case rests on an assumption of “parallel paths”—that the counterfactual experiences the same trend as that of the control group. Studies most vulnerable to this threat are those where assignment to treatment and control is not random and/or where assignment results in treatment and control groups that differed on factors that affected the outcomes of interest; that is the case in Mexico. For example, if treatment communities are clustered in gang territories but control communities are not, we might expect since we replicated the study in several CARSI countries, external validity questions are of less concern than they would otherwise have been had the study been restricted to a single country. 7 The predicted level is the model estimate of the dependent variable, which controls for covariates, such as age, sex, education household wealth, years of residence, and children in the household, as well as contextual effects. 8 See Michael Lechner. “The Estimation of Causal Effects by Difference-in-Difference Methods.” Discussion Paper no. 2010-28. October 2011. Department of Economics, University of St. Gallen. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 31 different trends over time in outcomes related to crime in the two groups. Those were precisely the errors our study made every effort to avoid through the careful pre-selection process in phase I when we selected the control neighborhoods. While the CARSI study employed random assignment of treatment and control groups among the eligible communities in the municipalities selected by USAID, random assignment is not sufficient to guarantee that the assumption will hold, so the parallel paths assumption could still be violated. There was no way to directly test this assumption in this study (or virtually any other study), but we were able to largely rule it out through the use a variety of robustness checks to see if the parallel path assumption was likely to have been violated. These checks showed that the treatment and control groups were sufficiently similar to each other and to the nation as a whole, which gives us confidence that the assumption of parallel paths very likely held. Analyses of the treatment and control communities, as we detail below (Figure 9), show that the respondents did not significantly differ on key socioeconomic variables. This is an important finding since it suggests that the communities in both treatment and control were quite similar to each other in their makeup. Since the treatment and control communities were similar in composition, this suggests that the trends in these groups are also likely to have been the same over time. If, instead, we had observed significant differences between treatment and control groups on these variables, we might have expected the trends in these groups to diverge over time if the outcomes were correlated with these variables. A second—and we believe more telling—robustness check that gets to the core of our dependent variables is that trends in the control communities match those in national-level data. Several questions in the CARSI study are identical or similar to questions in the 2010 and 2012 AmericasBarometer surveys that were also carried out by LAPOP using the same survey methods (face-to-face interviews conducted by trained interviewers using handheld electronic data collection instruments).9 We were able to use these data to explore the trend across a similar time period for the nation as a whole. In the majority of these cases, we found that the trend in the national data was indeed parallel to that observed in the control communities (the national trend line is shown in our graphs along with the other results, where available). These results repeatedly demonstrate that the control communities were not an anomalous sample and that they reflected the same trends observed in the nation at large. Thus, since the treatment communities were selected by a matching process and have a similar socio-economic and demographic composition to the control group, and since the control group’s trends parallel national trends, we would expect to see the same trends in the treatment communities if the treatment had not been applied. However, it is worth noting that the sample selection procedures for the national study and those utilized for households and individuals within the treatment and control neighborhoods are not identical. Additionally, we did not have precise information on criminality and violence at the neighborhood level so that the matching procedure to identify control neighborhoods are based on socio-economic information and direct observation of the physical conditions of the 9 The cellular devices used to administer the questionnaire were used only in the 2014 round; on the baseline round, the administration of the survey was carried out with paper questionnaires. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 32 neighborhoods and not necessarily of the levels of criminality and violence of each one. These two facts may have a significant impact on the parallel paths assumption. 2012 2014 Figure 9. Key Demographic Variables in Treatment and Control Communities, 2012-2014 Results The quantitative results are directly related to the goals described earlier. As we have mentioned, they are based on the difference-in-difference estimator and a multi-level model that takes strata of the levels of city and community into consideration. The control variables of the models are age, gender, years of residence in the neighborhood, household wealth, education, and presence of young people in the home. The contextual models also include the percentage of people between 10-18 years of age in the neighborhood. As we mentioned in our discussion of the DID estimator above, a potential challenge for the validation of the type of design that we carried out are the possible changes in the composition of treatment and control groups over the passage of time. If, for example, in our study, the number of young people in the households would have decreased significantly, then whatever positive effect of the treatment could have in fact been the result of this decrease in place of the implemented treatment. The data in Figure 1 (above) show that a group of key variable did not significantly change in any of the treatment or control groups. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 33 Detailed information on the design specifications of the study can be consulted in Appendix A of this report that contains the following sections: the selection of the areas of the study, the phases of the study and kinds of information collected by LAPOP, the methodological description of the second round of surveys in 2014 and information on data collection sites. Section 2: The Design of the Study and Impact Evaluation Methods USAID-Merida Interventions and their Anticipated Impacts The USAID Merida Interventions in the nine treatment neighborhoods include a variety of interventions. Many of these programs’ components could overlap strategically, which is a characteristic of the USAID Merida programs that are designed to create a programmatic continuity and to raise the probability of success for the entire crime and gang prevention effort. However, the coincidences and differences make it difficult if not impossible, to untangle and to evaluate the effect of each individual program, and even less the effects of each program’s specific components. In fact, it could be that each of the programs’ individual components would not be effective in isolation but only as part of a whole array of programs. Therefore, even a study designed to evaluate each component separately could not yield satisfactory results. For that reason, LAPOP has evaluated the global performance of the crime prevention programs implemented in the nine treatment neighborhoods. Given the ambitious goals of the USAID Merida programs, such as the increase in community participation in crime prevention, promotion of safe communities, and crime prevention among at-risk youth, the interventions may have direct and indirect effects. The direct effects include outcome indicators associated with the program’s final goal of producing safer and more secure environments. As we have already described, LAPOP evaluates those direct effects quantitatively relying on the survey information from the treatment and control communities instead of on external information that could have been obtained from other sources. In reality, we could have not relied on any other source of information at the community level. Municipal data are the most disaggregate available data, but the treatment does not cover entire municipalities. Therefore, only the data we collected can help us measure the programs’ impact. These direct effects include: fewer respondents’ reports of robberies, extortions and murders in the treated neighborhoods than would be expected in the absence of the program; lower levels of insecurity perception; and fewer youth in gangs and loitering. The indirect effects are related to the programs’ second-order consequences that may also be instrumental in the creation of safer, more secure environments and in the promotion of good governance. The indirect effects include the increase of interpersonal trust, satisfaction with democracy, and an increase in trust in local and national institutions such as favorable evaluations of the government handling citizen security or greater satisfaction with the performance of the police. All of these variables have been related with good governance in LAPOP’s studies results – an even with democratic stability. Therefore, all these indirect effects are potentially much broader and important in the long run. We should highlight that many of these indicators of democratic governance are measured by LAPOP in national samples in the AmericasBarometer, and therefore we have additional and extensive evidence at the national level and city level for the nations under that are being examined. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 35 On the pages that follow, we document the key indicators that have been monitored over the course of the study. After controlling for a number of factors such as age, education, gender, household wealth, number of years of residence in the neighborhood and the presence of young people in the household, the observed improvement in these indicators could be interpreted as improvements attributable to the programs implemented in the treatment neighborhoods. The selection of the outcome indicators was based on: (1) an extensive review of the academic literature on the causes and consequences of crime and violence at the neighborhood level, (2) on-site observations by LAPOP of at-risk neighborhoods during the fieldwork in El Salvador, Panama, and Guatemala, and (3) interviews with experts and community leaders. The information was collected using quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The mixed￾method approach allowed us to evaluate the program’s impact as well as a broader understanding of the most effective aspects of the program (Bamberger et al. 2010). The quantitative data include household surveys, interviews with individuals and systematic observations of the neighborhoods. The qualitative part includes focus groups in the three cities that are being examined. A detailed explanation of the difference-in-difference design is provided later on in this report, but first we will describe the outcome indicators that are analyzed with the qualitative and quantitative methods. The indicators that we describe in this section represent only a segment of the whole list of indicators collected in the study, but they reflect the ones we think are the most relevant. Other questions in the survey serve as control variables. The questionnaires administered in Mexico are included in this report and they include all the variables in the study (see appendices). The questionnaires for the individual interviews were developed based on the literature review and they also included batteries of questions that had already been included in LAPOP’s AmericasBarometer survey. These questions were revised, pre-tested, and adapted to the local language. Outcome Indicators10 Fear of Crime By attenuating risk factors associated with crime and violence at the neighborhood level and thereby creating safer environments, USAID Merida programs were also expected to reduce residents’ fear of crime victimization. Fear of crime is a multidimensional concept associated with three main related dimensions: cognitive, affective, and behavioral (Fattah and Sacco, 1989). As summarized by Franklin et al. (2008), “the cognitive dimension involves a rational thought process whereby perceptions of risk are developed; the affective dimension recognizes emotions associated with fear; and the behavioral dimension captures physical responses to the situation at hand.” Each of these dimensions is measured throughout the study. The attached individual-level questionnaire (Appendix A) includes specific measures for each of the three fear of crime dimensions. 10 This section was originally drafted by Abby Córdova. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 36 Crime Victimization and Violence Changes in crime victimization and violence at the individual and neighborhood levels are assessed in the impact study. Measurements of crime victimization at the individual level identify the types of crimes and the place where they take place (at home, in the neighborhood, in the municipality, or somewhere else). Additionally, for a more extensive characterization and accounting of crime incidence, items asking whether non-respondent household members had been victims of crime were included in the LAPOP survey. In addition to personal/household member crime victimization, the survey asked respondents about their knowledge of the incidence of crime in the neighborhood. Worldwide, household surveys are considered to be the most reliable data on crime victimization, as other sources, such as police reports, are notoriously unreliable because of underreporting by crime victims. The LAPOP survey instruments used in the evaluation have been tested extensively and maximize the validity of reporting, yet, ultimately, our data only included reported incidents of crime since there was no practical way for the study team to do direct observations of criminal events. Survey items used to measure violent behavior at the neighborhood level (i.e., a violent argument between neighbors) were also included in survey questionnaires in order to capture the broader context. In order to understand the dynamics of vulnerable neighborhoods, both levels of crime and violence are measured. Retrospective Perceptions of Insecurity in the Neighborhood One expected result from the USAID Merida interventions is the creation of a safer environment. We anticipate that if this condition is fulfilled, the residents of the neighborhoods in which the programs are implemented will see improvements. Therefore, apart from measuring objective outcomes related to the safety and security of a neighborhood (for example, crime victimization), we also include perceptions or subjective indicators. Social Cohesion Evidence from studies of U.S. neighborhoods demonstrates that higher levels of social cohesion are associated with reduced crime and violence (Sampson, Raudenbush et al. 1997; Brown, Perkins et al. 2004). Social cohesion is typically defined as mutual trust and value sharing among neighbors. Given that the crime prevention interventions in the nine neighborhoods were expected to encourage community participation, social cohesion was also expected to improve. Evidence suggests that social cohesion increases the likelihood that residents will regularly take actions for the common good, particularly for preventing crime (Sampson, Raudenbush et al. 1997; Sampson and Raudenbush 1999). The LAPOP AmericasBarometer survey shows that social trust is generally quite low in much of Latin America. However, there is considerable variation in social trust within countries, with some communities exhibiting far higher or lower trust than national averages alone would suggest (Córdova Guillén 2008). Therefore, the study measures trust as an outcome of the implemented programs. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 37 Besides social cohesion, the impact study evaluated changes in the level of neighborhood involvement in crime-prevention activities or informal social control (see below). Other types of neighborhood activities oriented to improve well-being in general were also measured. Social Control Social control is defined in the literature as “the capacity of a group to regulate its members according to desired principles” (Sampson, Raudenbush et al. 1997). The literature differentiates between two types of social control: informal and formal. Informal social control refers to “the willingness of neighborhood residents to actively engage in behaviors aimed at preventing criminal and deviant behavior in the local area” (Miller and Silver 2004). Examples of informal social control are neighbors’ interventions aimed at discouraging young people from using and/or trafficking drugs and joining gangs. Formal social control refers to externally induced actions that seek to combat or prevent crime, such as police patrol. By strengthening community capacity to combat crimes and encourage community policing, we expected the programs to increase informal social control. Neighborhood Disorder Neighborhood disorder is linked to both increased fear of crime and crime rates (Skogan 1990; Perkins, Wandersman et al. 1993; Kelling and Coles 1996; Perkins and Taylor 1996; Brown, Perkins et al. 2004). The well-known “broken windows” theory—developed by political scientist James Q. Wilson in 1982 and popularized by Police Commissioner Bratton in New York City which led to community police actions across the U.S.—states that both physical and social disorder lead to increased crime rates as these factors serve as cues to crime perpetrators, indicating that residents in the area do not care or are indifferent about what occurs in the neighborhood, and therefore result in provoking further and more serious crime. Thus, neighborhood disorder has been regarded as a risk factor associated with crime and violence. Physical disorder refers to “the deterioration of urban landscapes, for example, graffiti on buildings, abandoned cars, broken windows, and garbage in the streets,” and social disorder is understood as “behavior usually involving strangers and considered threatening, such as verbal harassment on the streets, open solicitation for prostitution, public intoxication, and rowdy groups of young males in public” (Sampson and Raudenbush 1999). Crime prevention programs are targeted to reduce neighborhood disorder and to mitigate physical risk factors through various infrastructure improvements, after school activities for at￾risk youth, and other services for the community as a whole which can reduce the signs of social disorder. Thus, reduced neighborhood disorder where the programs were implemented could be treated as an indicator of program success. Following the suggestions of recent literature, in addition to gathering survey data on residents’ perception of neighborhood disorder, data from a systematic observation of public places by trained observers was collected using a specialized neighborhood-level survey. Studies show a correlation between observed neighborhood disorder and crime in the U.S. (Perkins, Wandersman et al. 1993; Sampson and Raudenbush 1999). Consequently, in order to most effectively assess the impact of CARSI programs on neighborhood disorder, LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 38 implemented a neighborhood-level survey using the Systematic Social Observation (SSO) method, as carried out in multiple studies on crime victimization and fear of crime in the U.S. (e.g., Baltimore, Chicago, and Salt Lake city studies; Sampson and Raudenbush, 1999). Perceptions of the Police By fostering strong ties between citizens and the police in neighborhoods, citizens’ trust in and satisfaction with the police were expected to increase in neighborhoods where USAID implements crime prevention programs. Thus, USAID interventions were expected to improve both perceptions of the police and perceptions of community policing. From AmericasBarometer LAPOP studies over the years in the region, we have a very good idea of the national and regional images of the police. Items on citizens’ perceptions of the police are included in the LAPOP AmericasBarometer questionnaire and in the questionnaire used in this impact evaluation. Other Outcome Indicators We have a variety of other outcome indicators, some of which have been measured in LAPOP AmericasBarometer surveys. Examples of additional outcome indicators include the following:  Social interactions and participation in local civic organizations  Interpersonal trust  Quality of life: life satisfaction and satisfaction with the place of residence  Intention to move to other neighborhood/country due to fear of crime  Trust in the local government  Participation in meetings convened by the local government or NGOs  Satisfaction with the services provided by the local government  Satisfaction and support for democracy The attached individual-level questionnaire (Appendix A) also included a series of “control variables” (variables that were not expected to change over time due to the interventions but were important to account for so that observed changes in outcome indicators could be differentiated as products of the USAID crime prevention interventions and not as a result of other intervening factors). Control variables included standard socio-economic and demographic characteristics (i.e., sex, age, employment status, income level) and other variables related to poverty. Section 3: Results of the Impact Evaluation Some of the main objectives of the USAID programs in the treated communities are the reduction of crime and the improvement of safety and security by strengthening the capabilities of the community and promoting citizen participation, as well as improving municipalities’ ability to prevent crime. Crime prevention activities include municipal crime prevention committees, community police, outreach centers for at-risk youth, vocational training, and safety and security infrastructure. Some of the hypotheses related to the direct effects of neighborhood security are:  Reduction in the perception of insecurity  Reduction in crime victimization  Decrease in the vulnerability of youth to participate in criminal activities and join gangs  More crime prevention measures  Better disposition to participate in collective neighborhood activities Some of the hypotheses regarding the indirect effects of the programs related to the promotion of good governance are:  Greater support for the police  Higher levels of interpersonal trust  Greater satisfaction with the functioning of democracy  Improved perception of the government’s safety/security efforts I. Evaluating the Programs’ Effectiveness The following sections show the results of the analysis of the survey data at the individual level as well as the qualitative and quantitative data at the community level. In this report, we do not provide the results of each variable in the data. Instead, we focus on all the variables that we believe will illuminate policy makers and those who implement the policies in the field.11 11 Given that the individual variables can produce statistically significant results simply by chance, we only report those results that are robust and consistent across multiple indicators. In spite of the fact that our models are fairly sophisticated, they are not capable of capturing the complexity of all of the contextual and individual factors that may impact the results. Some statistically significant results that seem unexplainable could be the result of a complex interrelationship between systems. We place more emphasis on the findings that are backed by the literature. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 40 II. Analysis of Survey Data The clustered randomized experimental (CRE) design allows for the comparison between the control and treatment groups over time. A Difference-In-Difference (DID) estimator is a widely used econometric technique in impact evaluation that dates back thirty years ago to the work of Ashenfelter and Card (1985) and has become one of the “gold standards” in the field. It has the distinct advantage of controlling for what econometricians call “omitted variable bias,” since changes in the national economy, employment, and overall crime rates can impact the control and treatment groups, whereas in the case of a before-and-after study on the treatment group alone, it would be impossible to distinguish if such factors were responsible for changes in the treatment group rather than the treatment alone. It is, of course, not the only approach to measuring impact, but in the study we carried out, it was the most obvious and logical. For example, another widely used approach, that of regression discontinuity, works in situations in which detailed information about the population is already available (e.g., all have taken an entrance examination and some have scored just above the pass level and others have scored just below), but that was not the case in the neighborhoods we were studying. The DID estimator was utilized to estimate both the difference between the treatment and control groups and the difference between each group and itself at a later time. The treatment is considered effective at the point of evaluation if outcomes in the treatment group improve significantly more (or decline less) than they would have if the treatment had not been administered. One of the most important features of this model is that it does not require that the treatment and control groups have identical starting values, since what is of interest is the trend in each group and the difference between these trends. We estimate a counterfactual case with the model parameters to simulate what the outcome would be if no treatment had been administered. The counterfactual case is the change in the control group over time but at the same levels of the treatment group. Thus, the difference between the estimated counterfactual case and the predicted level of the treatment group is considered the “treatment effect.” The “treatment effect” is the impact that can be said to have been caused by the intervention. Figure 10 illustrates the DID estimator. In Figure 10, the solid red and green lines represent the control and treatment groups, respectively. In this example, the levels of the two groups are different before starting the treatment. This kind of difference is common and, unless the number of selected communities have been very large (in the hundreds), it would have been unusual to expect that treatment and control had identical averages. Fortunately, the difference at the starting point is not a problem for the DID design. Differences at starting points are taken into account in the model by comparing each group with itself over time. The dotted green line represents the counterfactual case. The difference between the counterfactual case and the treatment group is the effect of the intervention. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 41 Figure 10. Illustration of Difference-in-Difference Estimator Another advantage of the research design used by LAPOP in the impact evaluation is that the multilevel nature of the information obtained in the study makes it possible for the result to be evaluated individually and continue to take into account neighborhood characteristics (context) to determine the way in which the program effectiveness varies across different environments. Therefore, it is possible to identify the characteristics of neighborhoods or even countries (in cross-national studies) that contribute to the success of the program. Using multilevel modeling techniques, the study generates inferences about the program effectiveness and the impact of the context in which the programs were implemented. All statistical analyses in the project take into account “clustering” (the similarities shared by individuals living in the same areas such as neighborhoods within municipalities within countries, Hayes and Moulton (2009)). Standard errors and hypothesis tests are adjusted for this clustering, which is referred to as the “design effect.” Such studies must take into account that individuals belong to specific clusters (in this case, neighborhoods within municipalities in each country), and therefore corrected standard errors rather than the conventional t-test p-values need to be estimated and reported. Specifically, individual-level models include random intercepts for neighborhoods and municipalities. Models that include neighborhood or block-level contextual variables also include random intercepts for blocks within neighborhoods. In total, difference-in-difference model estimators were generated and analyzed for 51 variables / indices measured in surveys to individuals and systematic observations of the context of the Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 42 block. The results of these analyses are described further on, grouping the variables in seven thematic categories: crime victimization, fear of crime and perceptions of insecurity, vulnerability of youth to crime and gang activity, social cohesion, prevention measures, perception of the police, and the role of institutions. Within each category, the results of the models that were statistically significant are presented and discussed. As mentioned above, the models control for the following respondents’ characteristic: education, age, gender, household wealth, years of residence in their community, and the presence of youth at home. Additionally, within each category, we present some of the results about the impact of context on certain variables as well as the results of the qualitative research in order to complement the quantitative results. Crime Victimization In this section and the next, we present a long list of measurements designed to assess the effectiveness of USAID crime prevention programs in terms of (1) the reduction of crime victimization and (2) the increase in perception of security over the two periods of measurement for this impact evaluation conducted in the three municipalities in the north of the country. In this section we discuss four indicators: robberies in the community, overall crime victimization rate, damage to private property, and the sale of illegal drugs in the community, the latter being an indirect indicator of the incidence of crime. Robberies in the Community We observe that said probability decreases from one period to another, both in the treatment neighborhoods and in the control neighborhoods, but the decrease in the control neighborhoods is much greater than in the treatment ones. A little over a year into the implementation of the first programs in the treatment neighborhoods, we observe that the incidence of robberies reported in the community decreases six points, falling from 50% to 40%. This is a positive change and in the expected direction. However, the change in control neighborhoods is much more marked since the incidence of the occurrence of robberies is halved, going from 58% to 35% , i.e., a decline of 23 points which is almost four times higher than the observed decrease in treatment neighborhoods. The dotted green line in Figure 11 shows the counterfactual, which as explained above, presents the results expected for treatment neighborhoods assuming a similar trend to that observed in the control neighborhoods. As the decline was much more pronounced in the control neighborhoods, than in the treatment neighborhoods, we conclude for the treatment neighborhoods that although the trend of this indicator is considerable and in the desired direction, this is 63.5 % less than the expected minimum given the behavior observed in the communities where no programs were implemented. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 43 It is noteworthy that only in some of the indicators analyzed (mainly in this one and in the overall rate of victimization) we observed a marked change in magnitude in the trends in the control group and large disproportionate differences between the treatment and control neighborhoods. In most of the models that we discuss, we observed less pronounced and less distinct changes. Figure 11. Respondent-Reported Robberies in the Neighborhoods Does this mean that the USAID crime prevention programs implemented in the treatment neighborhoods are not having the desired impact on this indicator of robberies in the community? This is a difficult question to answer. On the one hand, and based on the analyses of the quantitative evidence of this impact evaluation, under the difference-in-difference method, it appears that the impact is less than expected. To be precise, the estimate of the impact evaluation in the treatment neighborhoods is negative 63.5% [(26.9 - 44) /26.9]. Although theoretically speaking we could say that for this indicator, the treatment neighborhoods would be better off without the programs, i.e. in the absence of such programs, it would be expected to experience a decrease in the treatment neighborhoods in comparison to the control neighborhoods, it is difficult to conclude that programs lack impact. There are several reasons that make it possible even when lower than expected results are observed that the programs implemented have a favorable impact or that they have not yet been able to produce the desired impact. These reasons are discussed in the conclusions at the end of this report and are grouped into four types: design 58.3 35.2 50.0 44.0 26.9 Treatment Control Counterfactual 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 Robberies in the Neighborhoods in the Past 12 months (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 44 reasons, specifics of the case of Mexico, time-related reasons, and the composition of the neighborhoods. Apart from the difference-in-difference models discussed herein, we also ran multi-level statistical analyses. They are multi-level, because they include the observations at the individual level of the questionnaire administered to the representative samples of adults in each neighborhood and systematic block-level observations of neighborhoods and municipalities. In the latter, the observations that we made about the blocks of the households where we conducted interviews with individuals constitute additional contextual information and provide an objective measurement of physical resources and of the social order/disorder in the neighborhoods. The analysis of the context in which the treatment was applied reveals that the effectiveness of the treatment varies according to the resources and conditions of the neighborhoods. Observations include resources such as schools, hospitals, and churches, as well as risk factors and other signs of social decay observed in every neighborhood. These block-level observations were added to the neighborhood level so that LAPOP could create a context variable for each of the neighborhoods. The context information is used as part of this “multi-level” statistical analysis to determine whether or not we can detect any impact of the context on the results. For each of the difference-in-difference models presented in the results section, we ran multi￾level statistical analyses. After each difference-in-difference model, we show the multilevel analyses that were statistically significant in the treatment group. These multi-level analyses control for the year of data gathering, age, gender, presence of young people in the household, education, income level, and type of neighborhood. Regarding the respondents’ reports on the incidence of robberies in the community we can see in Figure 12, that it is inversely related to the presence of schools on the block. The green line in the treatment group shows the predicted change in the reported incidence of robberies in the community in the presence of schools, an inverse relationship was observed because where there is the presence of schools, the incidence of robberies in the community decreases. The same behavior is observed in the control group (red line), but with a smaller slope. This finding is important and suggests that schools may be holding off or preventing criminal activity as far as robbery is concerned to some extent. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 45 Figure 12. Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Robberies in the Presence of Schools on the Block Total Crime Victimization This indicator is constructed using two items from the individual questionnaire: (1) whether the respondent was a victim of a crime such as robbery, assault, fraud, blackmail, extortion, threat, or some other type of crime over the course of the last year, and (2) whether any household member of the respondent was a victim. With these two questions, we build the overall rate of crime victimization which, unlike the previous indicator that is based on the occurrence of robberies in the community, is based on direct experience of victimization at the individual and household level. The results shown in Figure 13 show a similar reading to those discussed above: we observe a positive trend in the indicator seen since the overall rate of victimization decreases, and this trend is observed in the treatment group and the control group but the trend is much more marked in the second (3.8 and 14.2 points respectively). From the foregoing, we may interpret that the impact of the decline in the rate of victimization in the treatment neighborhoods is going in the right direction, but it is at least 88% lower than expected. Again, it would fit the interpretation that for this indicator, the treatment neighborhoods would be better off in the absence of the programs. -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Reported Robberies in the Presence of Schools on the Block Absent Present School Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 46 Figure 13. Total Crime Victimization Other indicators of crime victimization In addition to perception of robberies at the community level and the overall rate of crime victimization, we ran models for three other direct indicators of victimization: damage to private property, extortion, and kidnapping. For the first one, we get a similar result to the one reported in the case of robberies in the community and the overall rate of victimization: improvements in the trends in both the treatment and control groups, but more marked in the control group which implies that the result in the treatment neighborhoods is again lower than expected. In the case of extortion and kidnappings, we do not report any significant differences and their incidence is very low in both the control and treatment groups. Regarding the incidence of damage to private property in the last year, a positive trend, i.e. a decrease in both the control and the treatment groups is obtained. For the latter, decrease is 5.4 points down from 23% at baseline to 17.6% in the post- treatment. Sales of Illegal Drugs Finally in this section of crime victimization, we present the results for the question on the sale of illegal drugs in the community which is seen as an indirect indicator of the incidence of crime. 32.4 18.2 25.9 22.1 11.7 Treatment Control Counterfactual 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 Crime Victimization (%) (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 47 In Figure 14, we observe the results in the treatment neighborhoods, whose trend runs contrary to expectations (it increases by 11 percentage points, going from 23.4% to 34.4%) and a slight improvement (5.4 points) in the control neighborhoods. This is a less favorable result than the previous ones as the indicator moves in the opposite direction than anticipated; that is to say, we do not observe an improvement that is less than expected but instead, there is a marked deterioration in the treatment group regarding the percentage of individuals reporting sales of illegal drugs in their community. In terms of the model, we could say that in the treatment neighborhoods the observed outcome is of minus 95.4% compared to the expected results if a similar behavior in the control neighborhoods had been presented. Figure 14. Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Community in the Past 12 Months In spite of the fact that the research design is at the treatment group level, we observe some interesting differences in the treatment group at the city level – mainly that there seems to be an increased drop or smaller improvement in the Tijuana neighborhoods than in the other two cities. In the multi-level models we can see that the sale of illegal drugs over the course of the last year is inversely related to the presence of Catholic Churches and hospitals. In Figure 15, the treatment group’s green line shows the predicted change in the reported incidence of drug sales in the community in the presence of Catholic Churches and we can see that they are inversely related because where there is a presence of this type of Church, the reported incidence of illegal 30.2 23.1 24.8 34.4 17.6 Treatment Control Counterfactual 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Community in the Past 12 Months (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 48 drug sales decreases. The opposite behavior, but weaker, is observed in the control group (red line). Regarding the presence of hospitals, we can observe a similar relationship for both groups but more pronounced in the treatment group (see Figure 16). In both groups, the predicted change in the reported incidence of drug sales in the community decreases as the presence of hospitals in the block increases. Both institutions seem to be playing an important role as far as drug use is concerned, and according to the data, the hospitals’ role is more effective in creating a more pronounced marginal change and affecting both the treatment and control groups. Figure 15.Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Presence of a Catholic Church on the Block -10 -5 0 5 Marginal Change Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Community in the last 12 months Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 49 Figure 16. Marginal Change in Respondent-Reported Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Presence of a Hospital on the Block Below, we present some findings from the qualitative research that complements the results from the quantitative indicators in this section. Searching for clues in the qualitative research about the improvement of the indicators of victimization that help us to understand the trends is not an easy task given that for the vast majority of participants in the focus groups, it is easier to remember criminal acts in their community and judging by the tone of their comments, the events seem to occur daily and hit close to home: “ahí en el barrio donde yo vivía pasó, gente rateros, ahí siempre había por decir en cualquier barrio que fulanito es ratero y al tiro con él” “Here in the neighborhood where I used to live it happened- pickpockets and thieves- people used to say in any neighborhood that whoever is a thief, to hell with him” “No cambia nada es lo mismo robos y robos, pos ahorita en las escuelas están poniendo muchos climas y todo eso y pues se lo roban, ahorita es lo mismo” "Nothing ever changes. It’s always the same. Robbery after robbery… Right now schools are putting a lot of AC units and all that, and even still, they rob them…. Right now it is the same.” “en lo personal a mí me robaron una camioneta...afuera de mi casa con armas largas, eran seis muchachos jóvenes de 15 y 17 años” -15 -10 -5 0 Marginal Change Sale of Illegal Drugs in the Community in the past 12 months Absent Present Hospital Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 50 “Personally, they stole my van… right outside my house... with rifles; they were six young boys…15 and 17 years old.” “Robo o sea a mí me tocó, va uno con sus bolsas, va uno y compra ropa, tenis, viene con sus bolsas y el arrebatón y a correr” “Robbery, that happened to me, you go down the street with your bags, you go and buy clothes, sneakers, you go with your bags and they snatch your stuff and take off” “A las diez de la mañana fue el robo y yo creo que echan algo para que la gente se quede dormida porque vilmente están las personas ahí dormidas y no sienten que alguien entró y le pasó por un lado y se robó las cosas y no nada más fue en la casa de al lado, fueron también otras tres casas de mi cuadra” ”At ten in the morning, we got robbed and I think that they spread something around so that people stay asleep because the people were sound asleep and couldn’t tell that someone had come in and gone around the whole house stealing stuff…. They also went into the house next door and to three other houses on my block.” In environments so full of victimization as suggested by these comments, it may be encouraging that there are improvements in the indicators trends, even if they are uneven between neighborhoods and lower than expected in the treatment groups. The sale of drugs could turn out to be a phenomenon of greater frequency and proximity to citizens according to some of the comments from the focus group participants. Additionally, they suggest a worsening of the situation and the additional concern of drug sales directly affecting youth and children. The following comments illustrate this: “Es que por decir en la esquina de mi casa pues la casa que está ahí tiene un árbol muy grande, entonces si cubre todo lo que viene siendo la banqueta y ahí se juntan, ahí como para que no se vean, ahorita ya son más descarados, ahorita ya en plena luz, en el pleno día ya están ahí vendiendo y que triste porque ves que van puros huerquitos, ya no es como que ya señores a comprar la droga no, ya son puros niños de 16, 15 años…” If I had to say, on the corner of my house, the house that’s right over there has a really big tree, then if it covers all the bench and that’s where they come together, there so that you can’t be seen. Now they have no shame, they go out in the light, in the middle of the day and they are selling and it’s so sad because you see that they are just little kids, it’s not even like old people buy drugs, no, they’re all kids… 15 and 16 years old…. “Es que anteriormente ahí en la Col. Independencia era donde se concentraban mas porque ahí ya no hay caminos, nada más son puras escaleras y los militares bueno ni uno sube ahí, ni los que viven ahí tienen miedo de subir y pos bueno como ya todo está igual…” Back in the day in Colonia Independencia (Independence Neighborhood) this was the place where there were a ton of them because there, there are no roads… there are just stairs and the Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 51 soldiers do not come up there… even the people who live there are afraid to go up the stairs…. Anyways… everything stays the same. “Yo creo que ya en todas las colonias está igual, antes no verdad?, pero ahorita yo creo que ya en todos está igual, en todos” I think that in all the colonias (neighborhoods) it’s the same but before not, right? But now I think that everything’s the same everywhere. “los pandilleros y los que venden drogas se acercan mucho a las escuelas, obligan a los niños a vender droga si no los golpean o igual les dicen que les van a hacer algo a sus familias” The gang members and drug dealers go right up to the schools and they force kids to sell drugs and if they don’t they beat them up or they tell them that they are going to do something to their families. “ahora con las bandas organizadas se metieron ya con las pandillas, ahora entraron a las colonias de las periferias y agarraron a los pandilleros para que vendieran inclusive lo que en mi colonia pasó que había 13, había 18 y con la venta de droga se unieron, dejaron de pelearse” Now the organized bands are getting together with the gangs… they entered into the colonias (neighborhoods) from the outlands and scooped up the gang bangers so that they sell together… what happened in my neighborhood was that there were 13, there were18…. And they all got together to sell drugs… they stopped fighting. Fear of Crime and Perception of Insecurity In this section, we analyze five indicators in which the difference between the treatment and the counterfactual turned out to be statistically significant: fear of crime in the community, worry that someone would come into your home to commit robbery, perceived safety of living in your municipality and state, and the necessity to change neighborhoods due to insecurity. Additionally, we ran other four models for four indicators that are not discussed in this report for not complying with the requirement of being statistically significant. The indicators of this topic that did not turn out to be statistically significant are: perception of insecurity in the community, concern that one would be threatened or attacked on the street, perceived threat from crime and violence, and perception that there is a higher level violence in one’s community than in others. Fear of Crime in the Neighborhood Using five items of the questionnaire applied to individuals, we build a fear of crime index whose scale goes from 0-100 that captures the cognitive dimension of individuals’ fear. These items are: how safe / unsafe one feels being at home with his family during the day, when alone Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 52 at home during the day, when alone at home at night, walking alone through the neighborhood during the day, and walking alone at night. The difference-in-difference model’s results are shown in Figure 17. We observe that there is a very slight decrease in the index in the treatment group that goes from a score of 43 in the baseline to 42 in the second round of the study. Regarding the control group, we see a change in the same direction but of greater magnitude because it decreases by almost four points, going from 42.6 to 38.7 (on a 0-100 scale). As some figures in the previous section show, the results are that there was a change in the right direction, but it was lower than expected as shown by the counterfactual line and where we see that given the beginning of the indicator in the treatment group and expecting a behavior at least equal to the control group, it was expected that in the second round the indicator in the treatment group would obtain a score of at least 39.1; that is to say 7.4% or more below what we observed in the second round. Figure 17. Fear of Crime in the Neighborhood In the multi-level models, we observe that fear of crime is inversely related to the presence of hospitals. In Figure 18, the green line representing the treatment group shows the predicted change in the reported incidence of fear of crime in the community in the presence of hospitals. We can see that there is an inverse relationship between them since where there are hospitals, there is a smaller presence of fear of crime in the community. The control group shows almost no change in the presence or absence of hospitals (red line). It is likely that the presence of hospitals 42.6 38.7 43.0 42.0 39.1 Treatment Counterfactual Control 39.0 40.0 41.0 42.0 43.0 Fear of Crime (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 53 is indicative of far more favorable conditions than in the treatment groups’ context because it has an impact on perceptions of fear of crime in the community. Figure 18. Marginal Change in Fear of Crime in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block Concern with Household Burglary Regarding the concern that someone will break into your home to steal, we observed similar results to the previous indicator: i.e. slight changes in both groups in the right direction but less change than expected in the treatment group. It is worth noting that the change in the control group is even more pronounced when these neighborhoods reported a larger baseline (see Figure 19). The change in the treatment group is 3.5 points - falling to 69.0 from 72.5 (0-100 scale), which is still a relatively high score of perceived insecurity as measured by this indicator. The control group decreased by 9.1 points and based on this trend, we would have expected a change in the control neighborhoods of at least 8.8% higher than of what we observed. This behavior, which is apparently paradoxical, has three characteristics: (1) in the baseline, the result in the control groups is worse than in the treatment group; (2) there is a greater magnitude of improvement in the trend in the control group than in the treatment group; and (3) the post￾treatment observation in the control group shows better results than in the treatment group. This -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Fear of Crime in the Community (Cognitive Dimension) Absent Present Hospital Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 54 pattern is repeated in many of the models outlined in this report and suggests the possibility that the elasticity or sensitivity rate between groups is different, the control group being more sensitive / elastic than the treatment group. Figure 19. Concern that the Home will be Robbed In the multi-level models, we get the same results as those observed above with respect to the incidence of drug sales. Figures 20 and 21 show that the concern that your home will be robbed is inversely related to the presence of Catholic Churches and hospitals. In the first figure, we observe that for the treatment group, the predicted change in the concern that one’s home will be robbed decreases in the presence of Catholic Churches. We observe a similar but almost imperceptible change in the control group (red line) behavior. Regarding the presence of hospitals, we observe a similar relationship in both groups, but again the result is more pronounced in the treatment group (see Figure 21). In both groups, the predicted change in the concerns that one’s home will be robbed decreases in the presence of hospitals on the block. Again, for this indicator, both institutions appear to play a prominent role. 73.9 64.8 72.5 69.0 63.4 Treatment Control Counterfactual 64.0 66.0 68.0 70.0 72.0 74.0 Concern that the Home will be Robbed (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Resultados significativamente diferentes de 0 en p menor .05 Fuente: Estudio CARSI por LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 55 Figure 20. Marginal Change in the Concern that One’s Home will be Robbed in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block Figure 21. Marginal Change in Concern that One’s Home will be Robbed in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Concern that One's Home will be Robbed Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-Treated -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Concern that One's Home will be Robbed Absent Present Hospital Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 56 Perception of Insecurity in Living in the Municipality/State These two indicators show very similar results and therefore we only present data on the perception of the security of living in the state of residence. In Figure 22, we observe that the treatment group shows a significant decrease in the expected direction of those who consider that living in their state is unsafe as shown by the solid green line. This indicator fell by just over 8 points from 53.3 to 45.1 (on a 0-100 scale). The change at the municipal level is similar, but slightly smaller, as this indicator decreased 7.5 points. These two positive developments for the treatment group are of greater magnitude in this impact evaluation. But once again, for the treatment group, results are lower than expected due to the slope of the change in the control group. According to the model, the change in the treatment group should have decreased by at least 13% more than we observed. Figure 22. Perception of Insecurity of Living in the State In the multi-level models, we see that in both cases, i.e. the perception of insecurity of living in the state or the municipality, that there is a decrease of insecurity in the presence of a church on the block. As shown in Figure 23, again we observe that the change is significant for the treatment group (green line) but practically nonexistent for the control group (red line). 56.8 43.5 53.3 45.1 39.9 Treatment Control Counterfactual 40.0 45.0 50.0 55.0 60.0 Insecurity of Living in the State (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 57 Figure 23. Marginal Change in the Perception of Insecurity of Living in the State in the Presence of Churches on the Block -4 -3 -2 -1 0 Marginal Change Perception of Insecurity of Living in the State Absent Present Chuch Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 58 Need to Change Neighborhoods Due to Insecurity The last indicator of this section presents different behavior than others given that it worsens slightly in the treatment group, rather than improves. Additionally, we observe that there is an improvement for the indicator in the control group which highlights the negative result given that the implementation of the programs in the treatment groups would create the expectation of behavior equal to or better than what we observed in the control group. Figure 24 illustrates this behavior and shows that while the solid green line (treatment group) shows a slight increase of 1.5 points in the negative direction, the red line moves in greater magnitude and moves in the opposite direction. The counterfactual line (dotted green) represents where we would expect the treatment group to be given the tendency of the control group. In terms of the model, we observe in the treatment neighborhoods, a behavior of minus 86% than would be expected if those groups would have followed a similar behavior than that of the control group. Figure 24. Need to Change Neighborhoods Due to Insecurity As in the previous section, here we present some of the qualitative research’s findings that complement the quantitative indicators shown in this section. Several things stand out. First, it is worth noting that we perceive differences by city which suggests different conditions or situations with respect to crime and violence in both the baseline and post-treatment survey. 17.3 11.3 14.5 16.0 8.6 Treatment Control Counterfactual 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 16.0 18.0 Need to Change Neighborhoods Due to Insecurity (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 59 Second, some participants expressed a perception of improvement in the situation which seems to be multifactorial and different by municipality. And thirdly, the data show that individuals are either starting to feel that insecurity is the normal state of affairs and/or they are growing extremely tired of it. Here are some comments that illustrate these observations. The first ones come from youth in Monterrey showing perceptions of recent improvement: “bares que se llenaba completamente, empezó la inseguridad y bajó el nivel de las personas que iban y ahora ya se está llenando otra vez, ya nada más es una cuadra pero son como cuatro bares y ya la gente está empezando a salir otra vez, ya están agarrando confianza para ir a Barrio Antiguo porque hace como dos años era como que no, no quiero ir a Barrio Antiguo" “Bars would fill up completely… insecurity started and then the number of people that went dropped and now they’re starting to fill up again…it’s just a block but there are like four bars and the people are starting to go out again… they are gaining confidence to go out the Barrio Antiguo (Old Neighborhood) because like two years ago, it was like “No I don’t want to go the Barrio Antiguo.” “Yo creo que en principio la gente tenía mucho temor y a final de cuentas al paso del tiempo ha tenido repugnancia ante esos grupos también, a final de cuentas ha cambiado el miedo a ser un poquito más como que aislada la gente" “I think that in the beginning people were really afraid and at the end of the day with the passage of time, they started to hate those groups, also when you add it all up, now fear make people isolate themselves.” “No sé si es porque lo oculten o porque en realidad sea pero yo ya no he escuchado tantas matanzas como antes, antes era día tras día, día tras día y a lo mejor ahorita también pero ya no lo hacen tan público” “I don’t know if it’s because they hide it or because in reality it’s because I haven’t heard of many killings like before… before it was day in, day out but right now it might be that they don’t make it so public.” “Yo creo que la gente tiene un poquito más de confianza de los tiempos que se vivieron de hace tres o cuatro años para atrás, ya tiene un poquito más de confianza a lo mejor no tanto en la policía de creer en ellos pero a lo mejor ahorita ya salen, antes no salían o muchas, muchas veces era nada más por simples rumores pero pues uno lo que no quería era arriesgarse a que fueran de verdad las cosas" “I think that people have a little more trust than they did 3 or 4 years ago… now they have a little more trust not really in the police.. they don’t believe in the police… but now they go out, they did not go out before and many, many times it was only because of simple rumors but you weren’t going to risk that the rumors were true.” The perception of change and optimistic and positive attitude is not exclusive to the young people of Monterrey. The following comments from two different municipalities relate this change from the perspective of leaders / officials and reveal a positive attitude: Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 60 “Pues yo lo que trato de brindar como principal objetivo es traer gente, que venga confiada para que se hospede en mi hotel ¿si?, la gente entra con tanta inseguridad o vienen tanto del extranjero o del interior de la república en donde hay la misma situación pero creen que todavía estamos en tiempos de hace dos años, matanzas, salir, que te agarren y te den un balazo o robarte o extorsionarte o secuestrarte, cosa que ya no está sucediendo…Y para solucionar eso pues tienes que poner de tu parte para decir ¿sabes qué?, Cd. Juárez está renaciendo, está volviendo a tener economía, vuelve a haber movimiento de dinero para que exista más fluidez de turismo.” “Well, what I try to offer as the main objective is to bring in the people – that they come with confidence to be a guest in my hotel, right? People show up with so much insecurity or they come from abroad or from the middle of country where the same situation is going on, but they think that we are still in the middle of those bad times from two years ago – killings, going out, they snatch you up and put a bullet in you or rob you or blackmail you or kidnap you – things that are not happening anymore… And to solve all this, you have to do your part to say ‘You know what? Ciudad Juárez is going through a renaissance, the economy is growing, money is moving so there is more dynamic tourism.” “Tijuana es una ciudad que tiene mucho potencial y el potencial nosotros lo debemos explotar los jóvenes, entonces por ejemplo ahorita en el centro ya hay negocios nuevos que anteriormente estaban en picada" “Tijuana is a city that has a lot of potential and we young people have to exploit that potential so, for instance, right now in the downtown there are new businesses that were going downhill before.” In the city of Monterrey, part of the recent change is largely attributed to the armed forces’ presence of security as noted by one of the participants which could mean that the containment of more severe crimes such as kidnapping and extortion may cause an increase in the rates of other crimes such as home break-ins: “Pos metieron a los soldados y fue como se fue calmando, desde que entraron los soldados fue que se fue calmando, se fueron calmando y hasta ahorita están calmados, pero cuando no estaban los soldados ni nada y que la misma policía era un desacato todo, muertos por aquí y muertos por allá, por donde sea.” “Well, they rolled out the soldiers and all of the sudden, things calmed down since soldiers showed up, things have calmed down and up to now things are calm but when the soldiers weren’t around or anything and when everyone was disrespecting the cops, there were dead people here, dead people there… wherever….” “Hay Secuestros, extorsiones… Bueno el año pasado a mediados de otoño hubo muchas redadas de Marina, de Militares etc., y ahora como ya vieron que muchos o fallecen porque los balean los militares y así, ya ven como que más peligro, pero lo que hacen mucho últimamente es el robo a Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 61 casa habitación, bueno por mi colonia es lo que más se sabe… Últimamente lo están haciendo mucho, en mi colonia también la casa de al lado la robaron a las diez de la mañana." “There are kidnappings, blackmail…. Well last year in the middle of fall, there were a ton of Marine and Military raids, etc… and now as they already saw that many people died because the soldiers shot them and so they see that things are more dangerous but they’ve been doing a ton of robberies of houses… well in my neighborhood anyway this is what we know… Lately they’ve been doing it a lot.. in my neighborhood too… they robbed the house next door at ten in the morning.” Another interesting point is the recognition (and suspicion) that the media now report far fewer incidents, and this has to do with the improvement in public perception of the security situation: “No sé si es porque lo oculten o porque en realidad sea pero yo ya no he escuchado tantas matanzas como antes, antes era día tras día, día tras día y a lo mejor ahorita también pero ya no lo hacen tan público.” “I don’t know if it’s because they hide it or because in reality it’s because I haven’t heard of many killings like before… before it was day in, day out but right now it might be that they don’t make it so public.” “Y la diferencia en las noticias verdad?, que por decir 20 muertos el día de hoy, tantos en tal parte, tantos en tal parte hay una diferencia que a lo mejor ahora no, las noticias no reportan ni un muerto." “The difference in the news, right?... saying 20 deaths today, so many wherever, so many wherever, there’s a difference that now maybe not… the news doesn’t even report a single death.” However it is important to underscore that while there are signs of improvement, the dominant perception is that this is still a complicated situation that has consequences for families and the economic activity of these cities. The following comments illustrate this situation: “Pues miedo a que te maten, a tu familia, que te maten y ya la familia se queda sola. No queda de otra más que cambiarse. Es que también mucha [gente] en su casa ya tengan miedo y por eso a veces se ponen así que ven algo y cierran candados y todo y se ponen hasta a llorar, se ponen mal...” “Well, fear that they’ll kill you, your family and they’ll kill you and your family will end up all alone. There’s nothing left to do but move. Also, a lot of people are afraid in their homes and that’s why they get like this and they see something and bolt their doors and all and they get all worked up and cry… they feel awful…” “Las personas que quieren iniciar negocios propios ya no lo quieren hacer porque cuando están iniciando su negocio llegan las personas que están metidas en eso y piden piso (extorsión), entonces ya no les sale el negocio o sea tienen miedo a emprender algo…” “People that want to start their own businesses don’t want to do that anymore because when they start up their business, people who are involved in that ask for a kick-back (blackmail), so their business doesn’t work out and they feel really afraid to start something up….” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 62 “… los jóvenes lo ven y piensan que a todos igual no saben a quién sí y quién no, entonces les tienen miedo, les tienen temor, los miran y ya van caminando y se van a un lado y ni siquiera los voltean a ver por miedo a que les vayan a hacer algo, prefieren cambiarse a otra zona porque viven siempre con temor…” “…the young people see that and think that everyone is the same and the don’t know who’s who, so they get scared… they are afraid of then and they see them walking down the Street and get out of the way and they don’t even turn around out of fear that they are going to do something to them, they prefer to move to another area because they are always afraid….” Vulnerability of Young People in the Face of Crime and Gang Activity In this section, we analyze four indicators in which the difference between the treatment and the counterfactual is statistically significant. The first two have to do with knowledge of the implementation of recreational activities for young people or job training and the second two have to do with the consumption of drugs or alcohol by young people. Additionally, we ran models for six other indicators in this category that we do not present here because they did not show significant results. Those were: perception that there are young people in the community doing nothing; the perception that youth gang involvement is a problem and that there gang fights in their neighborhood, reported incidence of gang presence, perception that youth joining gangs is an option, and whether or not people are aware of a young person who has participated in youth activities in the last year. Support Activities Directed at Young People We evaluate the following question: “Have you seen or heard that an institution has provided support activities aimed at the young people of this neighborhood in the past 12 months?”; and in particular, regarding activities also aimed at young people to better their use of free time. In Figures 25 and 26, we show the models of these two assessments whose results are very similar. In both figures, we observe that while the results in the treatment neighborhoods have increased by 3.2 percentage points, in the control groups, the percentage of adults who have knowledge about actions taken to support young people has decreased. The green dashed line shows the expected behavior for the treatment group in the absence of the programs (assuming a similar control group behavior). Given that the result of the observation in the treatment group (solid green line) is significantly higher than the counterfactual (dotted green line), it turns out that the treatment effect is the distance between the two green lines; the results of Figure 25 show that the effect of the treatment for this indicator is 120.9% better than expected without the implementation of the programs. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 63 Figure 25. Knows of an Institution that has Provided Support Activities for Young People Regarding the evaluation of the knowledge of institutions that have taken action to support young people and to help them better use their free time, we observe the same behavior as seen in the model above: an increase in the treatment group and a decrease in the control group. The increase in the treatment group compared to the baseline is 2.4 points (going from 11% to 13.4%) so that the treatment effect is 59% better than expected without implementing programs. 11.9 7.6 10.5 13.7 6.2 Treatment Control Counterfactual 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 Knows of an Institution that has Provided Support Activities for Young People (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 64 Figure 26. Knows of an Institution that has Taken Steps to Help Young People Use their Free Time Better In the multi-level models, we see that in the treatment group, the knowledge of institutions that have provided activities for youth (leisure or other support measures) is inversely associated with the observed social disorder. This means that as there is a decrease in the knowledge of these institutions the observed social disorder increases (see Figure 27). The behavior in the control group (red line) is the opposite, that is to say that as social disorder increases, we observed a greater awareness of institutions carrying out activities aimed at young people. We only present the graph with the results for the question recreational activities for young people but we obtain the same result when looking at the question about other kinds of institutions that provide other activities aimed at young people. 9.6 7.1 11.0 13.4 8.4 Treatment Counterfactual Control 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 Knows of an Institution that has Taken Steps to Help Young People Use their Free Time Better (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 65 Figure 27. Marginal Change in the Knowledge of Institutions Working for Young People to Use their Free Time in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block Youth Consumption of Alcohol and Drugs We also assessed whether the respondent knew or had heard of a young person in the neighborhood who has used drugs or alcohol within the past 12 months. While the changes between the baseline and post-treatment rounds are slight and inconsistent for the treatment group, in the control group, there are no significant decreases over time for both indicators. In relation to alcohol use in the treatment group, we show in Figure 28 that there is a slight increase in the indicator from 40.5% to 41.2%. With regard to drug use (Figure 29), in the same group, a small decrease of 33.5% to 33.6% was recorded. Both alcohol and drug use decreases significantly in the control group. The reported alcohol consumption goes from 42.2% to 37.7% and 37.7% to 30.4% for drugs. As in some previous models, and as the change in the control group was higher, the results obtained in the treatment group for these two indicators is worse than expected: 16.4% for alcohol consumption and 19.1% for consumption drugs. -4 -2 0 2 4 Marginal Change Institution Working for Young People to Use their Free Time Better 0 1 2 3 4 Social Disorder Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 66 Figure 28. Knowledge of a Young Person Who has Consumed Alcohol in Excess in the Past Year 42.2 37.1 40.5 41.2 35.4 Treatment Control 36.0 Counterfactual 38.0 40.0 42.0 Knowledge of a Young Person Who has Consumed Alcohol in Excess (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 67 Figure 29. Knowledge of a Young Person who has Consumed Drugs in the Past Year Regarding the impact of context on the knowledge of young people using alcohol or drugs, we observe that both items are inversely related to the presence of hospitals. Although the results are similar, we only present the results of this interaction in the case of drug use (Figure 30) and not for excessive alcohol consumption. For both groups, the control and treatment, we predict a decline in the knowledge of drug use in the presence of hospitals. Again this variable context, i.e. the presence of a hospital, has a favorable impact on relevant indicators of this impact evaluation. The individual questionnaire items do not provide many clues to help us understand why the presence of hospitals is still an important factor. It is likely that the presence of a hospital means on the one hand, more robust conditions in terms of community resources and, on the other hand, hospitals are important and nearby institutions that provide support, especially in areas of public health and drugs and alcohol abuse. 37.7 30.4 35.5 33.6 28.2 Treatment Control Counterfactual 28.0 30.0 32.0 34.0 36.0 38.0 Knowledge of a Young Person who has Consumed Drugs in the Past Year (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 68 Figure 30. Marginal Change in the Knowledge of Young People who Consume Drugs in the Presence of Hospitals on the Block To conclude this section, we present the qualitative research findings that complement the discussion of quantitative indicators. Young people are a fundamental part of the country's population, so it is strategic to support them through educational, cultural, and/or recreational programs that reduce their vulnerability to criminal networks. Different public and private actors have invested in social programs in at-risk areas that focus on young people given the insecurity that exists in the three cities in this study. However, a significant number of people do not know about these programs and the people who know about them see them as insufficient to achieve their stated goals: “Pues igual le digo que como hace rato le digo que si existen los programas pero no son lo suficientemente grandes para satisfacer la capacidad de demanda de la ciudad.” “Well, I tell you that just a little while back there were programs, but now they’re not big enough to satisfy the high demand in the city.” From the perspective of young people, the main problems they face are: drug addiction, family breakdown, lack of educational opportunities, and unemployment. These problems have several consequences, such as, the ease with which young people get involved in gangs which leads to getting involved in vandalism which in turn creates a vicious cycle of theft, robbery, mob violence, and eventually criminal organizations step in and introduce them to guns and drugs. -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Knowledge of Young People who Consume Drugs Absent Present Hospital Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 69 The perception is that the vulnerability of young people to crime and gangs has been increasing steadily recently. The government has created programs, along with some civic and religious organizations. They provide young people with entertainment, sports and recreational activities so that they are not out on the streets all day and thereby these activities reduce their vulnerability. However, some feel that the problem lies in early childhood, where children do not have a family emotional stability, and this increases when economic problems are greater. The most vulnerable young people are those who live on the street, those who do not belong to a family, those who not taken care of or are abandoned by their parents, and those who receive no guidance: “Muchos padres no tienen comunicación con los hijos y ahí está el problema, lo que falta es comunicación con los padres, para que la familia esté bien comunicada sobre lo que está pasando. No piensan en lo que van a decir los jóvenes, los hijos, piensan en sí mismos más que nada y por eso hay muchos divorcios.” “Many parents don’t communicate with their children and that’s where the problem is. What’s missing is communication with the parents so that family members know what is going on. They don’t think about what their kids are going to say – the children – they think of themselves above anything else and that’s why there are a lot of divorces.” Schools are a common place where young people gather to study but is also where groups with certain preferences are created. To a great extent, gangs originate in schools, and they move to the street and finally end up joining criminal and drug trafficking organizations. One of the reasons why criminal organizations have very young children in their ranks (even younger than 15 years) is because it works better. Mexican laws do not prosecute minors severely, so a boy who has been subjected to any criminal proceedings, may only spend two years in prison and later return to society. The easy money and the fact that they do not place a high value on their own lives as well as not having positive expectations in life, cause young people from a very young age to decide to join gangs / crime. This solves three of the main perceived missing elements to their lives: (a) belonging, i.e. feeling like they are part of a group or family; (B) having financial security; and (c) feeling valued. “Porque son chavos que saben que nomás están en la calle… No, y aparte porque ellos saben que si los agarran…Salen, Póngale tiene 16, salen a los 18… Más pronto que los mayores de edad. No los pueden procesar… Y aparte hay otra cosa… A los 18 años al tribunal y no le dan más pena que a los mayores de edad… Y es que como tienen también la mente fresca y ellos los hacen como quieren. Pues eso sucedió hace como cuatro años, aquí en Padres, que estaban agarrando a puro chavalito y los metían a la correccional y eran como de 13 o 14.” “Because their just little guys, that they know they’re just hanging out in the Street… No, and besides this they know that if they get caught… they get out… Let’s say they’re 16… they get out at 18. Sooner than older people. They can’t process them and besides that, there’s another thing… A the age of 18, the courts can’t give them a stiffer sentence than adults… And it’s like they have a fresh mindset and they make them do what they want. Well, this happened like 4 years ago, here in Padres, they were picking young kids up and sticking them in juvenile hall and they were just like 13 or 14.” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 70 In all three cities, people perceive that drug trafficking activities are commonplace in many of the communities and that is where young people interact with criminal groups. In many cases, young people live under the uncertainty of being at risk or of being subject to violence by drug traffickers as well as blackmail and abuse by the police. Many perceive that the simple fact of being young makes the police believe that they are dangerous. The custom is to stop young people on the street asking for money - a “bite” (or bribe) in exchange for not arresting or detaining them. Often, they are beaten and accused of a crime: “Pues muchas de las veces yo pienso que los del crimen organizado agarran a los de las pandillas para la distribución… Pues eso es como trabaja aquí eso.” “Well, many times I think that the leaders of organized crime grab kids from gangs for distribution…. Well, that’s how it works around here…” “Puros jóvenes, andan en las drogas yo pienso que vamos pa allá con las muchachas y todo y la verdad que por eso se hace la pandilla, por eso hay muchos crímenes y no es que vamos con las muchachas y vamos a pistear y a tomar y ahí se empiezan pues…” “Just young kids… they mess with drugs I think.. We go out with the young girls and all and the truth is that’s why they became a gang, that’s why there are so many crimes and it’s not that we are hanging out with girls and going to get drunk or get wasted and that’s how they start…” “Y aparte a estas alturas los policías tampoco ya no se prestan, los policías también siempre están agrediendo a los jóvenes, antiguamente la policía estatal antes no era … obviamente la fuerza civil era la estatal, había una caseta, era la 46 en mi colonia, estaba arriba de un kínder, en esa caseta siempre había dos elementos estatales, esos elementos con los chavitos jugaban policías y ladrones y ahí los encerraban en la caseta y todo y los chavillos se la pasaban o sea, se acercaban al elemento ¿si me explico? ahorita ya los ven como sus enemigos, ya los ven con odio y temor.” “And aside from that, by now the police just stand by and do nothing, the police are also always beating up the kids… before the state police, it wasn’t that way… obviously the civil force was the state police, there was a guard house, it was 46 in my colonia (neighborhood), it was above a kindergarten, in that guard house there were always two state police officers, who played ‘cops n’ robbers’ with the kids and there was where they locked them in – in the guard house and all the little boys had a great time… that is to say they went up to the cops…. Do you know what I mean? But now, kids see them as their enemies… they look at them with hatred and fear.” The school environment should make young people feel safe and confident and have a healthy living environment, but in many cases it has become hostile and violent to their development. Some schools have now become places where kids are abused, discriminated against, get into fights, and deal drugs. The school is a microcosm of how people live in cities with respect to issues of insecurity, crime, drug trafficking, drug addiction and alcoholism, and especially the loss of values. Violence has become a daily part of life among young people which may even represent a certain status for them and also be a strategy for group survival. Gangs are in and out of schools, they started as groups with certain similar characteristics within the school, and later they go out to the streets and become a problem for society, because they are “emboldened” and Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 71 get into things they should not be a part of like taking drugs and drinking alcohol on the street, thefts and armed robberies. “… no es tanto el dinero ¿eh?, no es tanto el dinero… Por sentirse mucho más que otras personas, por querer ser alguien más importante.” “… It’s not so much the money, right? It’s not so much the money…. It’s about feeling better than other people and wanting to be someone more important.” “Pues muchas de las veces yo pienso que los del crimen organizado agarran a los de las pandillas para la distribución… Pues eso es como trabaja aquí eso.” “Well, a lot of time I think that organized crime leaders snatch up gang members for distribution… Well, that’s how it works around here.” “Porque se sienten solos a veces… Sí, para sentirse importantes, dicen: “aquí me siento cobijado, aquí me quedo”… Sienten que es su familia… Protegidos, se sienten protegidos… Cuando no tienen la responsabilidad de unos padres de familia que estén al pendiente de ellos, así es, osea, casi siempre son de padres separados… Claro, podría ser como una especie de compensación del abandono…” “It is because they feel lonely sometimes… Yes, in order to feel that they are important, they say: ‘I feel safe, so I’ll stay here’… They feel like they are their family… Protected, they feel protected… When they don’t have responsible parents who take care of them, that is to say… ummm… they almost always come from broken homes… Of course this could be a kind of compensation for being abandoned…” “En la secundaria el subdirector nos correteaba con un pedazo de llanta para ponernos a mitad de patio con las mochilas cargadas y con las libretas y ahí nos paraba en todo el sol, hasta como dos o tres horas de clase… Pero nos daban así en los pies, nos pegaba en los pies, era un pedazo de llanta así como de hule y nos correteaba.” “In high school, the vice-principal ran after us with a piece of a tire and chased us out onto the middle of the playground with our backpacks loaded with notebooks and they left us there in the sun for 2 or 3 (class) periods… But they hit us on the feet, they hit us on the feet, it was a piece of rubber tire and they chased us around with it.” “…no cambia nada es lo mismo robos y robos … Los mismos alumnos si saben que dejan abierto un salón o algo ellos les avisan a otros y ya hacen… Pues ahorita están metiendo muchas unidades a las escuelas, hacen rondines para que no haiga nada de problema, es lo que está habiendo ahorita… Si ven un sospechoso o algo lo paran, si ven que anda haciendo el bien pues lo dejan, si ven que anda haciendo el mal pues se lo llevan ¿verdad?, es como todo.” “…nothing changes… it’s the same – robberies and more robberies… The same students know that if a classroom is going to be left open, the let the other ones know and they do it… Well, now they’re placing lots of police in the schools and they patrol around so that there are no problems.. that’s what happening now… If they see a suspicious kid or anything, they stop him, if they see that he is doing nothing wrong, they leave him alone, if they see that he is up to something he shouldn’t be doing, they take him away, right?, it’s like everything else.” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 72 Within schools, gang members go unnoticed to some extent, because many schools require uniforms, but there are certain personality traits that give them away: attitudes, speech, and activities. It is common among gangs to graffiti school property to leave their mark that they were there. Previously they distinguished themselves by physical characteristics such as haircut, tattoos, and dress, however they are no longer distinguishable because they try not to draw attention to themselves. “Como cuatro o tres por cada salón también a veces, tres o cuatro por cada salón. Había cuatro pandillas por grupo y ya cuando salían al recreo pues ahí se hacía… Pero decían hey tiro en el campo y ahí iban todos corriendo y de ahí se peleaban de un grupo y de otro.” “Like four or three in each classroom, three or four in each classroom. There were four gangs by group and when they went out to recess, that’s where they did it… But they said “Hey… “tiro en el campo” (a call for gang members to join a fight. It literally means “A shot on the field”) and they all came running and that’s where one group fought the other. “A veces la forma de hablar con la persona, hablan muy grosero o te hablan muy fuerte, como de que tienen mucho poder y son más que tú, te humillan. Por ejemplo veces están así de que están dos camionetas y están abajo muchachos y vas pasando y te dicen voltéese que chingados anda viendo, váyase para allá, a usted no le importa, algo así o te sacan así una pistola y te dicen váyase de aquí, que anda haciendo aquí, así…” “Sometimes a person’s way of speaking… they speak really rudely or sometimes they talk to you really loudly, like they have a lot of power and they’re better than you, they humilate you. For example, sometimes there are two trucks and there are boys hanging around the trucks and they tell you ‘Turn around! What the hell are you looking at? Go away! It’s none of your business!’ or they take out a gun and they tell you to get out of there, what are you doing here?, like that…” Organized crime looks for vulnerable people, which generally means under-aged kids (mostly children) or people who are members of gangs (because they are often under-aged). Knowing that organized crime can solve much of their economic problems, and also give emotional benefits (such as being part of a group and belonging to a "family"), can make such a life attractive for young people the profile of those searching for solutions to their problems (both familial and economic). “Te amenazan… Si, si pues te sacan el cuete… A veces hasta son más menores que uno y pos ya trayendo una pistola en la mano…Es lo que se sienten, ya trayendo una pistola ya cualquiera te dice… De repente lo ves sin dinero y ya de repente lo ves con carro y así te das cuenta de volón que anda mal… O lo ves parado en unas esquinas ahí…Con los radios, con celulares, con drogas vendiendo.” “They threaten you… “Yes, yes well they take you out to get loaded… Sometimes they are younger than you and already carrying a gun in their hand… This is what they feel, already carrying a gun anybody will tell you… Suddenly you see them with money and suddenly they have a car and then you realize that they’re going down a bad path… Or you see them standing there on the corner… with radios, with cell phones and with the drugs they are selling…” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 73 “Es atractivo para los jóvenes por el dinero, porque no quieren estudiar, quieren ganar dinero fácil, no quieren hacer nada… Te damos dinero y les dan una moto, tu ve checándome los puntos… Y lo más importante es ser violento y eso hace que ellos digan ay soy mejor, soy superior… Tiene ventajas para su familia porque si trabajas para ellos puedes cuidar y proteger a tu familia… Pero también los pones en riesgo, porque también es un riesgo para la familia… Y no es estable, podrás trabajar una semana y a la otra semana ya te mataron y ellos mismos están en contra.” “It’s attractive for young people because of the money, because they don’t want to study, they want to earn easy money, they don’t want to do anything… We’ll give you money and someone else gives them a motorcycle, you go around checking out the girls… And the most important thing is to be violent and this makes them say ‘Ay, I am better, I am superior… It has its advantages for their family because if you work for them you can take care of and protect your family… But you also put them at risk because it’s also it’s a risk for the family… And it’s not stable, you can work one week and next week, they’ll kill you and they’ll all be fighting each other.” Also, young people can be an easy target for organized crime as well as for the police. The police abuse young people in an authoritarian way, they ask them for money and even steal their belongings, taking advantage of the fact that the young people do not have any social standing and most of them are unaware of their legal rights. That is to say, young people are a part of the population that is abused and unprotected by all. “A mí me subieron a la patrulla y me dijeron… súbase, ah pues me subí, una policía me quitó mi visa y otro policía me quitó mi celular y luego ya le dije a una señora hey háblele a mi mamá y ya llegó y le dije mamá ella trae mi visa y él el celular, no, nosotros no traemos nada, si como no, se fue mi mamá a la casa y luego me dijeron porque estás hablando y me agarraron a bachones los policías.” “They took me inside the police cruiser and they said to me… get in, so I got in. A policewoman took my visa and a guy cop took away my cell phone and later I told a woman ‘Hey, go and tell my mother’ and she came and I told her ‘Mom, she (the policewoman) took my visa and he took my cellphone’ and then the police officers said “No we don’t have anything,” I said, ‘Yes, of course you do’ and then my Mom went home and they said to me ‘Why are you talking?’ and then took me and slapped me around. Social Cohesion Regarding the issue of Social Cohesion, we analyzed the results of three variables. The first is a social cohesion index built from four questions. The second is an interpersonal trust indicator which is a key component of social cohesion. The third is a social disorder index measured during the systematic observation phase and is a correlate of social cohesion. The following are the results from the first two because for the last model there was no significant difference between the treatment group and the counterfactual therefore that is not reported here. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 74 Social Cohesion Index The social cohesion index is constructed with four questions about individual perceptions of the organization, cooperation, trust, and union of neighbors within the community that are different dimensions of social cohesion. The first measures the perception of the extent to which neighbors organize to face a common problem in their neighborhood. The second relates to the perception that the neighborhood is united. The third is about the people’s willingness to support each other and the fourth is about trust among neighbors. Out of these questions, we built a social cohesion index that ranges from 0-100. Figure 31 shows the results of the difference-in-difference analysis for the social cohesion index. We see that in the control group, this indicator improved slightly as the score rises from 50.6 to 52 points (on a 0-100 scale). The results in the treatment group are the opposite with a slight decrease of two points from 53 to 51.1. Given the improvement in the control group, it was expected that the treatment group would report a score of at least 54.4 points (dotted green line of the counterfactual) which is 6% better than the obtained result. Figure 31. Social Cohesion Index The following three figures show results that we consider key with respect to the impact that context has on social cohesion. In the first one (Figure 32) we see, as expected, the impact of social disorder on social cohesion. We see that for the treatment group (green line), the model predicts an inverse relationship given that as the social disorder increases, the level of social 50.6 52.0 53.0 51.1 54.4 Counterfactual Treatment Control 51.0 52.0 53.0 54.0 55.0 Social Cohesion Index (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 75 cohesion in the community decreases. For the control group (red line), no significant changes were observed as social disorder increased. Also as expected, we get the same results when we analyze the relationship between physical disorder and social cohesion. As in the previous case, Figure 33 shows that as the physical disorder increases, social cohesion decreases. Again we observed the same relationship in the treatment group but not for the control group. For the treatment groups, it could be a perverse relationship or vicious cycle where the worst physical and social conditions at the context level harm the social fabric (i.e. social cohesion) and a weakening of the latter has, in turn, additional consequences for the social and physical situation of the neighborhood. If that were the case, the situation is getting worse because of the fact that social cohesion (and levels of interpersonal trust discussed below), present for both the control group and the treatment group opposite trends, i.e. no improvement in the control group and a worsening in the treatment group. These two findings in relationship with social cohesion (opposite trends and the non-impact of the physical / social disorder over the control group) should be considered as relevant and we need to ask ourselves: what makes the control group improve and / or become “vulnerable” to changes in the physical and social disorder? Perhaps part of the answer has to do with the ability or internal strength that each one has, i.e. the need for external agents to improve (or rebuild) the social fabric. Figure 32. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Social Cohesion Index 0 1 2 3 4 Social Disorder Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 76 Figure 33. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Physical Disorder on the Block In Figure 34, we observe an example that illustrates this hypothesis. We see that for the control group, there is a direct association between the presence of churches and higher levels of social cohesion. This result suggests that agents like churches could be working as effective tools maintaining or improving levels of social cohesion. The intriguing thing is that for the control group, the presence of churches has the opposite effect, but with less intensity. -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Cambio marginal Social Cohesion Index 0 2 4 6 8 Physical Disorder Tratada Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 77 Figure 34. Marginal Change in the Social Cohesion Index in the Presence of Churches on the Block Interpersonal Trust With regard to interpersonal trust, a key component of social cohesion (Figure 35), we observe a behavior similar to and consistent with the social cohesion index described above. The control group improved slightly (52.1 to 53.7 points) and the treatment group worsened because interpersonal trust decreased, going from 55.5 to 51.1 points (on a scale of 0-100). In this indicator, the result for the treatment group is 10.5% less than the minimum expected given the improvement in the control group. -4 -2 0 2 4 6 Marginal Change Social Cohesion Index Absent Present Church Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 78 Figure 35. Interpersonal Trust Additionally, it is important to note two things. First, that in comparative perspective, Mexico is a country with low interpersonal trust, and second, levels of interpersonal trust reported in both the control and treatment neighborhoods are similar, although slightly lower than the national data. In Figure 36, the results of the 2012 AmericasBarometer for 26 countries in the hemisphere are presented. They show that comparatively, Mexico occupies one of the last places in levels of interpersonal trust and is below most Central American countries. The national figure is slightly higher than those obtained for the neighborhoods studied in this impact evaluation. 52.1 53.7 55.5 51.1 57.1 Counterfactual Treatment Control 50.0 52.0 54.0 56.0 58.0 Interpersonal Trust (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 79 Figure 36. Interpersonal Trust in the Americas Source: AmericasBarometer 2012 As in the previous section, we present some qualitative research findings that complement these quantitative indicators. The following comments from focus groups with community leaders show the tremendous impact crime and violence can have on the social fabric, as well as on interpersonal trust between people as well as on the individual. These comments briefly illustrate how it possible to lose cohesion at community level and the need of working with young people on issues as basic and necessary as trust: “Durante la crisis, hubo muchas familias que perdieron sus casas, sus trabajos, que hubo divorcios a raíz de una pérdida de una casa, a raíz de una pérdida de trabajo, entonces, esta gente es víctima también, víctima de una situación social macro a nivel país, y a lo mejor, 40.3 50.3 54.4 55.7 56.4 56.9 58.0 59.0 59.9 60.2 60.5 60.9 61.5 62.0 62.4 63.0 63.1 63.9 65.2 65.7 65.9 66.4 66.6 67.1 67.5 67.6 Haiti Peru Bolivia Belize Mexico Trinidad & Tobago Brazil El Salvador Ecuador Venezuela Jamaica Dom. Rep. Nicaragua Guatemala Colombia United States Chile Honduras Suriname Canada Guyana Uruguay Costa Rica Paraguay Panama Argentina 0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 Interpersonal Trust 95 % Intervalo de confianza (Efecto de diseño incorporado) Fuente:  Barómetro de las Américas por LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 80 incluso, con raíces mundiales, pero que ahora la estamos viviendo y hace que ya no haya unidad social" “During the crisis, there were a lot of families that lost their home, their jobs, there were a lot of divorces at a result of losing the house, as a result of losing a job, so, these people are victims as well, victims of a macro social situation on the level of country and, maybe, including, the origin comes from what is going on with the global economic crisis, but now that we are living through this, it makes it so there isn’t any social unity.” “Debe de haber más seguridad de parte de la misma persona, recuperar la confianza para poder empezar y volver a ser la misma gente que era antes…” “There should be more security for the individual, to regain trust in order to start over and be the same people that we were before…” “Orientación, aconsejar, hablar con ellos, dedicarles tiempo, dedicarles un minuto o dos, y hace la diferencia, claro que hace la diferencia, porque son muchachos que no tienen confianza en ellos mismos…” “Orientation, giving advice, talking with them, making time for them, giving them a minute or two, that makes the difference, of course it makes the difference because they are kids who don’t have confidence in themselves…” But still there are signs of optimism and positive attitudes which allow people to think about reaching better horizons in a short period of time. These comments serve to illustrate the hope and optimism among young people: “Pues es como le digo como ahorita, pos ahorita uno se siente feliz, alegre porque pos como le digo ya no hay tanta matanza, tanta delincuencia, tanta cosa que la verdad pues se llega uno hasta a trastornar de tanta cosa, ahorita ya no pasa eso, ahorita ya sales con gusto con tu familia a la calle a la tienda onde quieras, aunque no tan a gusto porque de repente anda un loco por ahí, pero si hay más unión en la sociedad” “Well, it’s like I’m saying like now, well, now you feel happy, happy because well, like I’m saying, there aren’t so many killings, so much crime, and so on – that the truth is, well, that you can go crazy from all this stuff, and now that doesn’t happen anymore. Now, you look forward to going out with your family to the street, to the store, wherever you want, although you’re not as carefree because you cross paths with some crazy guy, but there is more unity in society.” “Qué bien si no fue prevención como de un trabajo preventivo o social como debe de ser, el unir a la sociedad, pero creo que fue el primer paso para darnos cuenta como sociedad que teníamos que trabajar desde las escuelas…” “It wasn’t prevention from a preventive work or social as it should be, uniting society, but I think that it was the first step for us to realize as a society that we have to work from the schools….” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 81 Crime Prevention Measures The questionnaire at the individual level contains several indicators on crime prevention. Below are those indicators that yielded significant results in the difference-in-difference models and are grouped into three categories: knowledge of crime prevention measures, individual actions to protect yourself from crime and collective actions to combat crime. Within these categories, we present the results for a total of seven indicators. Knowledge of Crime Prevention Measures Regarding knowledge on crime prevention, three indicators of our analysis show significant results. The first is a question about whether the respondent considers that he/she has basic knowledge of how to prevent crime and the results are shown in Figure 37. We observe that in both groups, there are slight changes but in opposite directions. While for the treatment group, we see a decrease in its score from 55.4 to 52.5 points, in the control group, we observe the opposite tendency to grow 50.6 to 53.8 (on a scale of 0-100). Again, the behavior in the treatment group is lower (10.3 %) than expected and in this particular case, opposite from the desired direction. Figure 37. Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge 50.7 53.8 55.4 52.5 Counterfactual 58.5 Treatment Control 50.0 52.0 54.0 56.0 58.0 Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 82 The multi-level analysis shows that there is a significant relationship between the knowledge of crime prevention and the presence of the Catholic Church (Figure 38). In systematic observations of the blocks, we identified whether or not there was a presence of these institutions and analyzed this information. We observed no changes in the control group, but in the treatment group, there is a direct relationship between the presence of the Catholic Church and the increased levels of knowledge of crime prevention. That may suggest, as mentioned above, that churches play a relevant role as “agents” of change in treatment communities. Figure 38. Marginal Change in Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block Regarding the perception of whether or not the government provides adequate information on how to prevent crimes, we see a small decrease in the treatment group from 57 to 52.4 points (on a 0-100 scale). That is to say, the score of citizen perception of the government providing adequate information decreases (Figure 39). In the control group, we observe no change over time as scores remain around 51 points. The minimum expectation for the treatment group, is that as it happened in the control group, it would have stayed around 57 points, but for some reason that is difficult to understand, the score dropped. However, the score for the treatment is 8% higher than expected. What makes adults in the treatment group in the second round perceive a decline in basic crime prevention knowledge and a lower perception that the government provides adequate information? Perhaps it has to do 0 1 2 3 4 Marginal Change Basic Crime Prevention Knowledge Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 83 with decreased campaigns or saturation (and less attention to the issue) or even it may be confusing information. Figure 39. Government Provides Adequate Information on Crime Prevention We observe a positive and higher than expected result on the question of whether or not the police have been helping with prevention activities in the neighborhood. Figure 40 shows that the percentage of adults who reported having seen police doing this type of activity grows in both groups, but with greater magnitude in the treatment group. The change in the treatment group is significant because it goes from 4% at the baseline to 12.2% in the post-treatment round. Those who were in charge of the evaluated programs are better qualified to know to what extent this marked increase is directly attributable to neighborhoods treatment programs. The control group also shows an increase in the percentage measured by this item as it goes from 5.6% at baseline to 7.5% in the second round. The vertical black line that runs from the counterfactual to the result of the treatment group in the second round is considered the treatment effect and is equivalent to an increase of 107% higher than expected in the absence of the programs implemented in treatment neighborhoods. Later on, we present additional results on the perception and evaluation of the police, some favorable and some unfavorable, that complement the analysis of this important institution of the justice system. 51.5 51.6 57.0 52.4 57.0 Counterfactual Treatment 52.0 Control 54.0 56.0 58.0 Government Provides Adequate Information on Crime Prevention (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 84 Figure 40. Police Carry Out Prevention Activities in this Neighborhood Individual Actions to Protect Oneself from Crime The questionnaire at the individual level has a considerable number of questions about actions that people can take to protect themselves from crime. In this section, we discuss the results of three of those items for which we got statistically significant results in the difference-in￾difference models. The first one is about the percentage of adults who reported having acquired a firearm to defend themselves from crime. As expected, the incidence of this indicator is low in both groups and the interesting thing is that it decreases in both groups in relation to the baseline; however the decline is more pronounced in the treatment group. Figure 41 shows that the percentage of adults who said they bought a gun for protection decreases in the control group from 1.8% to 1.3% and in the treatment group, goes from 3.1% to 1.3%. Once again, the vertical black line that runs from the counterfactual to the result of the treatment group in the second round represents the effect of treatment and is equivalent to a reduction of 51.9% to the expected incidence in the absence of the programs implemented in treatment neighborhoods. 5.6 7.5 4.0 12.2 5.9 Treatment Control Counterfactual 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 Police Carry Out Prevention Activities in this Neighborhood (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 85 Figure 41. Bought a Firearm for Self-Protection from Crime Regarding other actions that individuals may take to protect themselves from crime, we present the results of two additional indicators. First, we observe an improvement in the control group and a worsening in the treatment group; in the second indicator, the outcome worsens in both groups. Regarding the percentage of individuals who reported avoiding going through places that they consider to be dangerous as a prevention measure, we observe that the control group showed a significant decrease, going from 56.8% to 49% (Figure 42). Conversely, in the treatment group, we see that the indicator does not improve by having an opposite tendency, rising slightly from 54% to 57.4%, a difference of 24% above that which was expected based off the counterfactual case. As noted throughout this report, the data that matters is the difference between the treatment group and the predicted value of the counterfactual (dotted green line). As already discussed, a positive evaluation consisting of (a) a change in the treatment group that represents an improvement (i.e. increase or decrease to something positive from something negative), and (2) that the result is greater than the counterfactual. In this case none of these conditions are met. 1.8 1.3 3.1 1.3 2.7 Counterfactual Treatment Control 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 Bought a Firearm for Self-Protection from Crime (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 86 Figure 42. Avoided Dangerous Areas out of Fear of Crime As expected, in both the control group and the treatment group we observe higher levels of physical disorder. As there are higher levels of physical disorder, there are more people who avoid going through dangerous places as a crime prevention measure. We present the results in Figure 43. 56.8 49.0 54.0 57.4 46.2 Treatment Control Counterfactual 45.0 50.0 55.0 60.0 Avoided Dangerous Areas out of Fear of Crime (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 87 Figure 43. Marginal Change in Avoiding Passing through Dangerous Areas in One’s Community in the Presence of Physical Disorder on the Block Finally, in Figure 44 we present the percentage of individuals who claimed to have built walls or fences at home as a preventative measure. We observe that in both groups this indicator is higher, i.e., the percentage of adults who respond that they “fortified” their home against crime by building walls, fences, or additional exterior walls is higher. The increase is significant in both groups but higher in the control group, growing from 21.9% to 34.1%. The treatment group has a result of 14.6% lower than expected in the absence of treatment. That this change has been less pronounced in the treatment group may be seen as positive, but the ideal is that the change over time be in the opposite direction. Yet, it is likely that through the programs implemented in the treatment group, there has been a minor increase in the number of households that considered it necessary to increase their security by building walls or fences. Another possibility is that changes are due to an improvement on their economic reality or their expectations or that because of this, individuals have been able to afford this type of expenditure. 0 5 10 15 20 Marginal Change Avoided Walking through Dangerous Areas in Community 0 2 4 6 8 Physical Disorder Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 88 Figure 44. Built Walls/Fences to Protect Home from Crime Collective Action in the Prevention of Crime The last indicator in the category of prevention and protection against crime is the perception of the extent to which residents of the neighborhood are organized to prevent crime and violence. We observe a small shift in the perception of the control group that goes from 44.6 to 45.7 points (on a scale of 0-100); however in treated communities, we observe a marked decrease of this perception passing points 49.4 to 41.3 (Figure 45). The treatment group presents a result in their perception of community organization, 18.2% lower than expected in the absence of treatment. This movement in the opposite direction to the desirable one is consistent with decreased interpersonal trust and social cohesion index as shown in previous section and may be indicative of a widespread disenchantment of perceptions about the capabilities and strengths of the community. 21.9 34.1 21.4 28.7 33.6 Control Counterfactual Treatment 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 Built Walls/Fences to Protect Home (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 89 Figure 45. The Community Is Organized for Crime Prevention Regarding the analysis of the impact of context, we observe something similar to what we reported above when discussing the social cohesion indicator: social disorder negatively impacts the community organization and the Catholic Church makes it better. In Figure 46, we can see that there is no significant effect on the control group but there is a significant effect for the treatment group where as social disorder levels rise, levels of community organization to prevent crime fall. In Figure 47, we again observe a change, which is very slightly pronounced in the control group but a significant change in the treatment group; in the latter, we observe that the presence of the Catholic Church improves levels of community organization for crime prevention. It seems again that the Church (Catholic) is an important agent in explaining this community indicator. 44.6 45.7 49.4 41.3 50.5 Treatment Control Counterfactual 42.0 44.0 46.0 48.0 50.0 The Community Is Organized for Crime Prevention (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 90 Figure 46. Marginal Change in Community Organization for Crime Prevention in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block Figure 47. Marginal Change in Community Organization for Crime Prevention in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block -2 0 2 4 6 Marginal Change Community Organization for Crime Prevention Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 91 Here we present some findings from the qualitative phase that complements the results of this section. For many of the youth who participated in the focus groups, it was obvious that there was an increased police presence in different activities and several young people and officials could identify specific programs supporting prevention. The following comments illustrate this: "Sí, porque ahí por la cuadra están sobres ahí los policías, porque antes ahí por la cuadra pues casi no había policías y ahorita andan mas ahí" “Yes, because there by the block, the police are there because before here on the block there were hardly any cop and nowadays, they are all over the place” "Pues es un programa que tienen en donde llevan a adolescentes que a lo mejor tienen problemas en su casa o problemas de drogadicción y ahí los educan los fines de semana ¿no?" “Well, it’s a program that they have where they take teenagers that might have problems in the home or drug problems and they educate them on the weekends, right?” "El grupo de D. A. R. E., surgió de Estados Unidos y luego lo trajeron acá a Mexico y los que imparten ese tipo de cursos son policías, son policías municipales que van a las escuelas, incluso ellos tienen algo que se llama Policía Juvenil, invitan a los jóvenes a que formen parte de ese grupo para prevenir las drogas y la violencia." “The group D.A.R.E originated in the United States and later on they brought it here to Mexico and the people that deliver these kinds of courses are police officers, they are city police that go to the schools, and they even have something called Youth Police where they invite young people to join their group to prevent drugs and violence.” "… en esa dependencia que se llama prevención del delito hay programas donde van a las escuelas y les dan explicación de que es lo que hacen y para que no se droguen o algo, pero depende…" “….on that thing that’s called crime prevention, there are programs where they go to the school and they give the kids explanations about what they do and so that they don’t take drugs or anything like that, but it depends…” "...como actuar por ejemplo está siendo uno asaltado o hay gente que a veces se mete a los locales a robar y pos como actuar, a veces nos dicen que es mejor quedarse callados que hablar, ahorita estaba un programa ahí en el centro comercial que van a poner alarmas de pánico silenciosas según, en cuanto haya un movimiento cada negocio, va a apretar su botón de pánico." “…how to act, for example, when you are being attacked or there are people that sometimes break in to the stores and steal and, well, how do you act, sometimes they tell us that it’s better to stay quiet than to talk, how there was a program there in the mall where they are going to put in silent panic alarms, whenever there’s any movement, every store is going to push its panic button.” Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 92 "...Seguridad Escolar que se enfoca a los conflictos de vía internet, lo que deben de tener cuidado los niños por decir con las páginas para adultos, páginas de delincuencia… Ha crecido bastante, ha ayudado a que muchos niños ya no estén…bueno últimamente que usan las redes sociales con su computadora, laptop, Iphone etc., que tengan más cuidado en seguridad de la familia para evitar secuestros, robos, etc." “…. School Safety that focuses on Internet conflicts, about how kids should be careful what they say on adult pages, crime pages… It has grown a lot, it helped many kids get off the Internet… well lately they are using social network with their computer, laptop, iPhone, etc., that they should be more careful with the safety of their family in order to avoid kidnappings, burglary, etc. "Y hay programas de gobierno también… El de Si Jala y Si Trabaja [SISI]… Va enfocado a las personas que quieren superarse… Específicamente los jóvenes… Te dan beneficios de seguir estudiando y trabajando, ya sea estas trabajando y te apoyan con una beca para tu estudio, también te informan de cómo no caer en las drogas y en las pandillas" “And there are government programs as well… The Si Jala y Si Trabaja [SISI]…. It focuses on people who want to improve themselves… Specifically young people… They give you incentives to keep studying and working or if you are working, they support you with a fellowship for your studies, and also inform you on how not to get involved with drugs and gangs.” And additionally, there are some comments that show the presence and identification of community measures to prevent crime in coordination with the police: "Pues en la clase alta yo me he dado cuenta que ellos se organizan, Los llamados vecinos vigilando o algo así… Si, vecinos vigilando exactamente son los que ellos se organizan y están al pendiente de lo que sucede alrededor, a sus alrededores y si ven algo extraño… Hay algunos privados o lugares como colonias donde tienen sistemas de alarmas, incluso sirenas que si algún vecino nota algún delito puede ir a un botón de pánico o un teléfono que va a tener conexión directa con la policía y si, pero son sistemas" “Well, I’ve realized that in the upper class, they get organized, the so called “neighborhood watch” or something like that. Yes, neighbors watching… that is exactly what they are.. they are organized and they are keeping an eye on what happens in their surroundings and if they see something strange… There are some private neighborhoods or places like colonias (neighborhoods) that have their own alarm systems, even sirens so that if a neighbor sees a crime being committed, he can go to a panic button or phone that is directly connected to the police and yes…. There are systems.” "...programación comunitaria ¿Verdad? Como los comités, yo estoy más cerca de las personas, ellos son policías, los ven a lo mejor con miedo o con respeto pero ya uno lo ven con más confianza y ¿sabes qué? Va a venir fulanita de tal, ella representa a la policía y va a venir echar unas platicas con ustedes y ya las personas acceden a que vengan y se juntan y empiezan a caminar por toda la colonia con la policía" “…community programs, right? Like those committees, I am closer to the people, they are police, they look upon them fear or with respect but now they’re looking at them (the police) with more trust and you know what? Miss So-and-So is going to show up, she represents the police and Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 93 she’s going to come to talk to you and already people allow them to come and they get together and start to walk around the neighborhood with the police.” Regarding the presence of firearms, we find comments that on the one hand show that young people can have access to them but, on the other hand, there have been efforts in the schools for instance that try to the make the possession and use of guns more difficult: "Bueno anteriormente, ahorita ya no hay muchos conflictos a lo mejor como dice aquí el compañero que no hay mucha difusión de las bandas que están operando pero hace unos años como en el 2008, 2009, pues era de que balaceras a cada rato, entonces obviamente todas esas armas son introducidas al país por el crimen organizado y se las venden muy fácilmente a los jóvenes... " “OK, before, now there aren’t as many conflicts maybe because as our friend here says there are not a lot of the groups around that are operating but a few years back like in 2008, 2009, well there were bullets flying all over the place all the time back then, so obviously, all these guns are brought into the country by organized crime and they sell them very easily to the young people….” "Bueno...desde la prepa, lo principal era desde riñas así simples hasta el uso de armas de fuego, se compraban en cualquier esquina casi, para poder asustar no sé a vivales que se creaban bandas ahí entre la preparatoria…" “Well, since high school, the main thing was from simple fights to the use of guns, we bought them on any corner almost, to be able to scare… I don’t know, your rivals that were making bands (gangs) there in the high school…” "… en revisarle a los jóvenes su material de la escuela, ahí logramos encontrar en ocasiones drogas, marihuana, logramos encontrarles…Armas blancas…incluso pistola se han encontrado, nos dicen que la compraron en la calle..." “By checking kids’ school stuff, that’s when we occasionally find drugs, marijuana, we manage to find knives…all the way up to a gun we found… they tell us that they bought it in the street….” Perception of the Police In this section, we present five indicators on the police with significant results in difference-in￾difference models: perception that the police are involved in educational and recreational activities, incidence of requesting police support, trust in the police, satisfaction of police performance, and incidence of bribes (“mordidas”) requested by the police. Do USAID crime prevention programs increase institutional support for institutions like the police? The expectation is that the implementation of programs in the treatment neighborhoods has an impact on trust and perception of police performance. We analyzed the results of Mexico in a comparative perspective to the other countries in the region. Figure 48 shows that trust in the police in Mexico is relatively low in comparative terms with a confidence level of 39.9 points on Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 94 a scale of 0-100, which places Mexico in the lower levels of the graph, with levels comparable to Paraguay, Peru, Bolivia, and Venezuela and below most Central American countries (except Guatemala and Honduras). Figure 48. Trust in the Police in the Americas Source: AmericasBarometer2012 Figure 49 shows the results of the difference - in - difference models about the trust in the police. For the control group, we observe comparable levels to the national data reported above and a slight decrease is observed over time as it passes from 42.5 to 41.9 points on a scale of 0 to 100. With respect to the treatment group, we observe an initial value, that is to say the baseline that is considerably larger at 47.6 points and experiences a marked drop over time, falling to 40 points, a score similar to the national average in the post-treatment round. It is not good news that trust 28.7 32.8 34.9 34.9 37.6 38.9 39.9 40.1 41.6 43.3 45.5 45.8 48.0 51.4 51.6 52.3 53.5 53.7 54.0 55.0 59.8 60.6 61.8 62.9 63.5 65.7 Honduras Trinidad & Tobago Guatemala Dom. Rep. Venezuela Bolivia Mexico Peru Paraguay Argentina Costa Rica Guyana Jamaica Belize Brazil Uruguay Colombia Ecuador El Salvador United States Panama Nicaragua Haiti Suriname Canada Chile 0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 Trust in Police 95 % Intervalo de confianza (Efecto de diseño incorporado) Fuente:  Barómetro de las Américas por LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 95 in the police has fallen in both groups and even worse that the treatment group shows a considerable drop and a 15 % lower score than expected given the behavior of the control group. Figure 49. Trust in the Police There are two elements about context that has a favorable impact on trust in the police: the presence of a Catholic Church and the presence of a hospital. In both cases, the impact affects both the control group and the treatment group, but the marginal change is significantly higher in the latter. Figure 50 shows the direct and favorable relationship that the presence of Catholic Churches on trust in the police (We do not show the model on the presence of hospitals but the effect is the same). 42.5 41.9 47.6 40.0 47.1 40.0 42.0 44.0 46.0 48.0 Trust in the Police (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 96 Figure 50. Marginal Change in Trust in the Police in the Presence of Catholic Churches on the Block 0 2 4 6 8 10 Marginal Change Trust in the Police Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 97 The paradoxical decline in the decrease of trust in the police is the fact that individuals reported greater activity and involvement of the police in potentially beneficial community activities. On the one hand, the percentage of individuals in the treatment group who said the police help carry out prevention activities increases and something similar happens with the incidence of police involvement in recreational and educational activities with children and young people reported in Figure 51 below. It is noteworthy that in the baseline in both groups, the incidence of police involvement in these activities was low (5%) and increases significantly in both groups but more sharply in the treatment group. For this indicator, the difference-in-difference model shows a favorable impact of treatment effect as the treatment group is 17% above the expected value in the absence of treatment. Why does trust in the police decrease in the face of a greater presence of this institution in prevention activities and recreational activities for children and youth? The following indicators give additional clues to answer this question and suggest that more is not necessarily better. Figure 51. Police Get Involved in Recreational Activities As expected, the presence of schools has a direct impact on police involvement in recreation and prevention activities as shown in the multi-level model in Figure 52. This effect occurs in the treatment group but not in the control group which shows the opposite behavior. Perhaps this is further evidence that there are greater coordinated and synchronized institutional efforts in the treatment neighborhoods than in the control neighborhoods. 5.0 10.8 5.0 13.6 Treatment Control Counterfactual 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 Police Get Involved in Recreational Activities (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 98 Figure 52. Marginal Change in Reports of the Number of Times that the Police Get Involved in Recreational Activities in the Presence of Schools on the Block The questionnaire at the individual level asks respondents about the perception of police performance; the results are shown in Figure 53. We observe opposing trends between treatment and control groups. While we observe a small absolute increase in the perception of the police performance going from 43.3 to 44.6 in the control group, the treatment group reported a slight decrease going from 46.6 to 45.5 (on a scale of 0-100). The dotted green line that represents the counterfactual reveals that the outcome in the treatment group is 5% lower than expected. It is likely that in the control group, the decrease in trust in this institution is explained in part by the fact that the performance rating shows no improvement. -2 0 2 4 Marginal Change Police Involved in Recreational Activities Absent Present Schools Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 99 Figure 53. Satisfaction with Police Performance An additional indicator about the police, that can help us to understand the decrease in trust in this institution, has to do with the number of reports by individuals of bribes. Figure 54 presents the results to the question of whether a police officer asked the respondent for a bribe in the last twelve months. We observe, as in the chart above, a similar pattern: decrease in the control group and an increase in the treatment group. The decrease in the control group is 3.3 points from 19.9% to 16.6% as shown by the red line. The treatment group presents an opposite trends as it slightly increases from 16.6% to 17.8% in the frequency of bribes requested by the police. Again, in contrast to the counterfactual, the result in the treated communities is 33% worse than expected. It is unclear whether the police shows different performance depending on the area it serves, i.e. whether a treatment or a control group; or if the differences have more to do with the presence of agents where greater presence accounts for a greater chance of incidence of bribes. 43.3 44.6 46.6 45.5 Counterfactual 47.9 Treatment Control 43.0 44.0 45.0 46.0 47.0 48.0 Satisfaction with Police Performance (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 100 Figure 54. Police asked for a Bribe in the Last Year Finally, within this category of results, we present the incidence of police support requested. This indicator may mean at least two things. On the one hand, an increase in the amount of requests for help from the police can be seen as something negative if it is related to an increase in the reasons (for example insecurity) that make those requests necessary. On the other hand it may be that the increase indicates a greater presence (closeness, availability) of officers in the community. What is not consistent for the treatment group, is the decrease in the trust levels reported earlier (see Figure 49 above) when there is a greater presence and contact with the police via requests for support as shown in Figure 55. Regarding this indicator about the frequency of requests for help from the police, we find, once more, opposing trends. While the control group shows a decrease in the number of requests to the police for support, from 19.3% to 15.9%, in the treatment group, the frequency increases significantly from 18.1% to 24.1%, i.e. an increase of 6 points. Increases in the indicator will be interpreted as a sign of improvement because it seems to be clear that there has been an increased police presence in the treatment group shown by the increase discussed above, and a large segment of the population relies on police or is satisfied with their performance. Additionally, as we reported in the first category of results, there is a decrease in the treatment group in the incidence of robberies and overall crime victimization rate suggesting that the request for support to the police is not explained by an increase in the most frequent types of crime and it could mean more police willingness to support the communities. 19.9 16.6 16.6 17.8 13.4 12.0 14.0 16.0 18.0 20.0 Police asked for a Bribe in the Last Year (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 101 Figure 55 shows the effect of the treatment that is equal to a 52% improvement above what is expected regarding the solicitation of support from the police in the absence of the implemented programs. Figure 55. Asked for Help from the Police Qualitative research shows many comments about the police that have already been presented in the categories above. The following are some comments that illustrate the still present distrust and distance of many citizens from the police and reveal some possible factors explaining why the institution gets poor performance evaluation results: " Les tienes más miedo a los policías que a los delincuentes." “You are more afraid of the police than of the criminals.” "Son gandallas los polis." “The cops are such bullies.” "...desde que entraron y están haciendo sus vueltas es cuando siento más inseguridad que cuando no están" 19.3 17.1 18.1 24.1 15.9 Treatment Control Counterfactual 16.0 18.0 20.0 22.0 24.0 Asked for Help from the Police (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 102 “…since the came in, when they are walking their rounds is when I feel the most unsafe compared to when they are not…” Government and Institutions Finally, in this section we discuss four additional indicators that have to do with other institutions and / or the government and their performance in the area of public safety. The first has to do with the frequency of community institutions that carry out public works such as improving lighting, cleaning or construction / repair of streets, fields or parks. In Figure 56, we observe a considerable increase in the frequency of such institutions for the treatment group that goes from 21.2% in the baseline to 28.1% in the post-treatment. By contrast, in the control group, we see a marked decrease of about half, going from 27.3% to only 15.6% in the post-treatment. It is unclear whether or not this outcome is directly attributable to the USAID prevention programs and if that is the case, the treatment effect is equivalent to an improvement of 192% more than expected in the absence of programs implemented. This result is consistent with other indicators shown in this impact evaluation suggesting that the treatment group is getting a lot more attention and / or social investment given the increase in indicators such as increased police activities and involvement with youth, an increase in the number of institutions that carry out support, and recreation for the young and public works in their neighborhood. In this regard, it seems to be a “synchronization of attention” focused primarily on these treatment groups. Figure 56. Public Works Carried Out in the Neighborhood in the Past Year 27.3 15.6 21.2 28.1 9.6 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 Public Works Carried Out in the Neighborhood in the Past Year (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 103 The presence of multiple support programs and beyond the ones exclusive to USAID, could mean several things: (a) real cooperation / synchronization between different institutions; (b) we expect much more favorable results in the treatment group; (c) programs could be complementing each other (although it is also possible that they could contradict each other, or cancel each other out); and/or (d) it could be a sign that many actors identify the treatment neighborhoods as the most needy and unsafe. The next indicator shows the perception that the nearest level of government, i.e. the municipal level, is improving public safety. Figure 57 shows that this perception decreased in both groups but the decrease is slightly more pronounced in the treatment group. The results are not in the desired direction and for the treatment group they are 11.5% worse than those results predicted by the counterfactual. Figure 57. Perception that the Municipality is Improving Public Safety Using data from the AmericasBarometer, in Figure 58 we present the national results from 2012 for this indicator. Interestingly, we see that in the baseline and perception for both groups in the neighborhoods of the three cities studied were better than the national indicator. The decrease over time makes the results in the post-treatment round more closely resemble the national results from 2012. On the other hand, we observe that Mexico ranks high comparatively 54.8 51.4 58.9 49.2 55.6 Counterfactual Treatment Control 50.0 52.0 54.0 56.0 58.0 60.0 Municipality is Improving Public Safety (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 104 speaking, but some countries with more violence as measured by the homicide rates, such as Nicaragua and El Salvador, receive a better rating than Mexico. Figure 58. Evaluation of Government Management of Citizen Safety in the Americas Source: AmericasBarometer In a related indicator about whether or not the government provides adequate information on public safety, the results of Figure 59, on a scale of 0-100, show a slight increase for the control group (50.5 to 51.6) and a small decrease in the treatment group (55.8 to 52.4). Given the opposite direction of trends and the fact that in the treatment group there is no improvement, we could say that the programs are not having the expected impact regarding this indicator. In terms of the model, we could say that for the treatment neighborhoods, we observe a behavior of 8% 31.3 36.2 38.5 39.8 39.9 40.2 41.1 41.8 41.9 43.7 45.2 45.8 46.0 46.2 46.6 47.3 47.5 47.8 49.6 52.4 53.3 55.2 56.3 61.5 63.4 Honduras Paraguay Argentina Brazil Bolivia Costa Rica Dom. Rep. Trinidad & Tobago United States Peru Panama Jamaica Venezuela Uruguay Guatemala Guyana Haiti Chile Mexico Belize Colombia El Salvador Ecuador Suriname Nicaragua 0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 Administration Improves Security 95 % Intervalo de confianza (Efecto de diseño incorporado) Fuente:  Barómetro de las Américas por LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 105 less than expected if a similar behavior had occurred in these groups rather than in the control groups. Figure 59. The Government Provides Adequate Information on Public Safety Finally, we present the perceptions of trust in the justice system, a variable that is expected to improve with the implementation of the programs. The results of Figure 60, however, report that for both groups, there were decreases over time (greater in the treatment group and 9% lower than expected). TREATMENT Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 106 Figure 59. Trust in the Judicial System Regarding the analysis of the impact of context on trust in the justice system, we see something similar to that which was reported above when discussing the indicators of social cohesion and community organization: social disorder negatively impacts the trust in the justice system and the presence of a Catholic Church improves it. In Figure 61, we can see that for the control group, there is a very slight effect but the effect in treatment group is significant and shows that as levels of social disorder increase, we see a decrease in trust in the judicial system. 55.5 51.2 56.8 47.9 52.6 Counterfactual Control Treatment 48.0 50.0 52.0 54.0 56.0 Trust in the Judicial System (Predictors) Pre-treatment Post-treatment Time *Significantly different from 0 at p< .05 Source: CARSI Study by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 107 Figure 60. Marginal Change in Trust in the Judicial System in the Presence of Social Disorder on the Block In Figure 62, we observe another change, this time less pronounced in the control group, but a significant change in treatment group. In the latter, we observe that in the presence of the Catholic Church, we note better levels of trust in the justice system. It seems again that the Church (Catholic) becomes an important agent impacting meaningful indicators like this one. -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 Marginal Change Trust in the Judicial System 0 1 2 3 4 Social Disorder Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 108 Figure 61. Marginal Change in Trust in the Judicial System in the Presence of a Catholic Church on the Block The following are some comments from the qualitative research that show clearly that many citizens perceive multiple efforts to improve conditions in the city and crime prevention programs: "Las carreteras que están haciendo, si han mejorado mucho” “The roads they’re making… they’ve gotten a lot better…” "Pos yo si he visto que ponen parques” “Well, yeah I’ve see that they’ve put in parks.” "Hay más centros comunitarios ya." “There are more community centers now.” "...Pos los sistemas de vialidad que ha implementado el gobierno y que ha estado haciendo, vías rápidas, fuentes de trabajo, maquiladoras." “…We the road system that the government’s put in and they’ve been building fast highways, sources of jobs, factories (maquiladoras).” 0 2 4 6 Marginal Change Trust in the Judicial System Absent Present Catholic Church Treated Non-Treated Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 109 "Están rehabilitando también las canchas y los parques, me ha tocado ver, una colonia que en su tiempo fue muy marginada La Cañada Verde y por medio del Gobierno Federal hicieron muchas canchas" “They are rehabbing the (athletic/sports) courts and the parks, I’ve seen it… a neighborhood that its time was very marginalized, La Cañada Verde and through the Federal Government, they made a lot of courts.” ",...en las colonias se vio en muchas colonias por parte del municipio o del gobierno no sé muchas brigadas limpiando de pintura, pintando fachadas y ese fue un programa del gobierno, del municipio de pintar fachadas, iban cuadrillas cuadra por cuadra y preguntaban ¿quieres que te pinte tu fachada?, órale pues, de color fulano, tengo estos colores, entonces entraba uno a la colonia y ya la veía más diferente, ya pintadito aquí" “… and in the colonias (neighborhoods), we saw lots of neighborhoods… from the government or the city… I don’t know… there were brigades of people cleaning with paint, painting walls and this was a government program, from the city to Paint the walls, they went in squads block by block and they were asking “Do you want us to Paint your Wall? Yes, go ahead, use that color, I have these colors, then you went into the colonia and you saw a big difference, all painted.” "Y lo que está haciendo el municipio en las colonias son por parte de seguridad pública se llaman marchas exploratorias, en estas marchas exploratorias va el representante de la seguridad pública, un promotor de cada colonia y va y le presenta a los vecinos ¿Verdad? A los colonos al comándate, al fulanito que les va a dar el rondín y detectan puntos o usted con toda confianza." “And what the municipality is doing in the colonias (neighborhoods) as part of public safety is what is called exploratory walks. On these exploratory walks, there is the public safety representative, a promoter from each colonia and they go and introduces them to the neighbors. Right? They introduce the neighbors to the representative, to the guy who is going to show them around and they identify spots or you with all trust. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 110 Conclusions During the course of the evaluation, we conclude now that only some of the outcomes in the treatment communities improve more (or decline less) than they would have if the USAID programs had not been implemented. Several other outcome are moving in the right direction, but the change is less than expected which may mean that programs still do not have all the possible impact. However, a set of additional indicators in the treatment group moves in the opposite direction than what is desired, which means that they worsen and/or the programs have not been able to make a favorable impact or at least stop the negative trend. Among the main results of the quantitative phase of the study, we observe that the USAID prevention programs in the treatment neighborhoods have an impact on: (1) Increased presence of support programs and government actions  59% greater knowledge of the institutions that carry out actions for the youth to use their time in a better way than would be expected in the absence of the programs  120% greater knowledge of the institutions that support the youth than would be expected in the absence of the programs  160% greater reported cases of police doing prevention activities than would be expected in the absence of the programs  17% greater reported cases of police working with children and young people in recreational activities than would be expected in the absence of the programs Regarding the positive improvements in the treatment group but that show changes that were lower than expected given the programs implemented, we can report that: (2) There is a reduction of crime victimization  Decrease of six points in the percentage of occurrences of theft in their community (63% less than expected)  Slight reduction in the overall rate of victimization (88% less than expected) (3) Decreased fear of crime and feelings of insecurity  Very slight reduction in the feeling of fear of crime in their community (7% lower than expected)  Slight reduction of concerns that the home would be broken into (9% lower than expected)  Decrease of eight points (on a scale of 0-100) in the perception of insecurity of living in their state (13% less than expected) Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 111 (4) Prevention and vulnerability of young people • Slight decrease in the reports of knowledge of a young person consuming drugs over the course of the last year (33.5% to 33.6%) As for changes in the opposite direction of the desired result given the expected impact of the programs that USAID implemented, we report that: In the Community Context  Slight decrease in the social cohesion index (55.5 to 51.1 points on a 0-100 scale)  Decreased interpersonal trust (53 to 51.1 points on a 0-100 scale)  Considerable reduction in the perception that the community is organized to prevent crime (49.4 to 41.3 points on a 0-100 scale)  Slight increase in the reported knowledge of young people who abuse alcohol (40.5 to 41.2 on a 0-100 scale)  Considerable increase (23.4% to 34.4%) in the percentage of respondents who report the sale of illegal drugs in their community On Police  Decreased trust in the police (47.6 to 40 points on a 0-100 scale)  Slight reduction in the perception of police performance (46.6 to 45.5 points on a 0-100 scale)  Slight increase in the incidence of frequency of the solicitation of bribes (16.6 to 17.8 points on a 0-100 scale) Fear of Crime and Feelings of Insecurity  Slight increase in the percentage of individuals who avoiding walking through dangerous places  Slight increase in the percentage of individuals who built walls / fences to protect themselves from crime  Slight increase in the percentage of individuals who express a desire to move to a different neighborhood due to insecurity (14.5% to 16%)  Slight reduction in the basic knowledge of crime prevention measures (55.4 to 52.5 range on a 0 -100 scale) The context in which treatment was administered was related in some cases with its effectiveness. We see specifically that the presence of the Catholic Church and hospitals in the community have a major and significant impact. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 112 In particular, we observe a lower rate of drug sales, less concern that someone may come to rob your home, more basic knowledge of crime prevention, a better organized community to fight crime, greater trust in the police, and judicial system in places where there is a presence of the Catholic Church in the community. We also observe an improved perception of safety and better levels of social cohesion in places where there is the presence of Catholic Churches and/or Protestant churches. The presence of hospitals has a significant impact on some variables that have to do with public health issues such as the lower rates of the sale of illegal drugs and less knowledge of young people using drugs; but it also impacts other variables such as lower levels of fear of crime in the community, and greater trust in the police. The treatment also may counteract some deleterious effects that “poor” contexts have in terms of resources and physical and social characteristics. Where we see social disorder on the block, the treatment managed to contain the marked tendency that disorder has to reduce social cohesion and community organization, and to increase crime prevention and confidence in the judicial system. Similarly, in the context of physical disorder, the treatment increases social cohesion and lowers the rate of people who report avoiding walking through dangerous places. However, there are also counter-intuitive behaviors such as decreased theft, sale of drugs, or fear of crime in context with greater social disorder; or greater knowledge of youth consuming alcohol and decreased fear of crime in contexts with large physical disorder. In many cases, the quantitative results were supported and complemented by qualitative data. Below are some quotes that illustrate perceptions and/or both positive and negative attitudes in relation to the context, mood, and security situation in the three cities we examined. We start with positive comments that illustrate the positive impact that recent actions have had, and differences by city: Regarding crime prevention: “Pues para prevenir la delincuencia las administraciones pasadas fue pues hacer de nuevo los parques y crear así áreas para que los muchachos fueran a jugar, a hacer deporte. De hecho ese es uno de los grandes logros, ahí si los felicito en lo personal porque se han visto parques por allá afuera de donde yo vivo han remodelado todo, han puesto todo nuevo, canchas de futbol pa’ los niños y ya se ve, ya se ve un cambio muy satisfactorio en cuanto al deporte, se ven a los niños jugando.” (Ciudad Juárez) “Well, in order to prevent crime, the past administrations did the parks over and that way created áreas for children to play and to do sports. In fact, this is one of the greatest achievements, Personally, I have to congratulate them in that area because there have been parks around where I live where they have re-done everything and they have made everything new – soccer fields for kids and you can already see a very sastisfactory change in terms of sports, you see kids playing.” (Ciudad Juárez) Regarding the presence of the Marines or the Army: “Porque antes, antes haga de cuenta para las tres o dos de la tarde…Ya no se podía salir. Se escuchaban las balaceras, al ratito mataron a uno allá y acá a otro. Ya no podías salir a la calle. Antes entraban y salían y ahora no porque a veces anda la marina o los soldados o la fuerza civil y no entran las camionetas, ahora ya se puede salir sin tanto miedo.” (Monterrey) Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 113 “Because before, before three or two in the afternoon, you couldn’t go out. You Heard gunshots or Heard them killing people… one here, one there and you couldn’t go out on the Street. Before they came and left and now they don’t because sometimes the Marines or the soldiers or the civil force are patrolling around and trucks don’t come in, now you can go out without being so scared.” (Monterrey) Regarding the police: “Si, yo veo mucha mejoría porque antes si se veía que llegaban y subían a todo el que estuviera, no preguntaban si tú estabas o no estabas, nada más los subían, nomás los subían y lo peor del caso es que les ponían que hicieron esto, hasta lo que no, e mí en esa cuestión me tocó muchas veces ver con los vecinos que los ponían ahí como los peores delincuentes y ahora no.” (Ciudad Juárez) “Yes, I see a bug improvement because before if you saw that they were coming and everybody who was there got it, they didn’t ask it you were in or not, they just picked you up, they just were picking people up and the worst thing is that accused them of doing stuff, even things that they had not done, and me – I lived that situation many times. I saw neighbors that were accused of being criminals and that doesn’t happen anymore.” (Ciudad Juárez) Regarding the insecurity situation: “No, de hace dos años a la fecha no, a lo mejor de hace un año para acá si mejoró un poco. Sí, porque por ejemplo en las noticias ya no vemos este… Tanta violencia, Ya no hay tantas balaceras como antes. Sí, así tan agresiva aquí en Nuevo León que llego a ser un estado donde decíamos si tuviera la oportunidad de erradicar en otro lugar que estuviera tranquilo pues me iría pero este todo igual en todas partes entonces de un año para acá como que si ya nos hemos mejorado.” (Monterrey) “No, two years ago to the day, or maybe since one year ago, things have got a little bit better. For instance, in the news, you don’t see so much violence. There aren’t as many gunshots as before. Yes, it became dangerous here in Nuevo León that it became a state where we said that if we had the opportunity to move somewhere else to a peaceful place, then we would go but then again, it’s the same everywhere but from one year ago, we see that things are getting better.” (Monterrey) “Si, de hecho yo hace cinco años que llegué, llegué a vivir a la Zona Norte, yo vengo de Morelos y cuando yo llegué todavía encontrabas mucha gente inyectándose en la calle tirada y ahorita la verdad es que no ves eso la verdad, lo que es la calle…Primera… La Coahuila y La Primera la cambiaron muchísimo. … El cambio es en todo, está más limpio, ya no hay gente que se esté inyectando ahí a la vista, continuamente pasan las patrullas y a veces hasta los llevan, llevan muchos en la patrulla y se los llevan si ven que andan ahí…Estamos hablando de un 75% de cambio, pero si ha cambiado mucho la Zona Norte, la Zona Centro donde está la Catedral, la Calle Segunda, la Calle Tercera, también había mucho malandro como dicen, ahorita ya no, ya disminuyó mucho eso.” (Tijuana) “Yes, in fact I arrived five years ago, I arrived to live in the Zona Norte (Northern Area), I come from Morelos and when I arrived, you still saw a lot of people shooting up, sprawled out all over the street and now the truth is that you don’t see this so often, talking about the streets, First…La Coahuila y La Primera (on Coahuila and First Street), things have changed a lot… You can see the changes everywhere… it’s cleaner, there aren’t people shooting up there in plain sight, the patrols go by all the time and sometimes they take them away, the patrols take a lot of people… they take them if they see that they are around… We are talking about a 75% change, but yes the Zona Norte has changed a lot, la Zona Centro (Central Area) where the Cathedral is, Second Street, Third Street, there used to be a lot of theft as they say, but not now… a lot of that has gone away.” (Tijuana) Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 114 Regarding perceptions and negative, or less favorable attitudes, here are four comments that show that many participants still perceive and/or face adverse situations in their everyday lives and suggest that there are still many challenges: “.. entonces hay muchas cosas, la delincuencia ahorita está por donde quiera casi al 100%, entonces sí muchas veces nos vamos a ocupar por ejemplo los directores se ocupan muchas veces dentro de lo que es la escuela correcto, pero también debe de ver que si no se enfoca a raíz de los alumnos que porque como en muchos casos está pasando que dejan las escuelas vacías, se llevan las computadoras, se llevan todos los valores y eso es un daño para los jóvenes, para los escolares, los dejan sin protección, si armas, entonces lo que tiene que hacer ahí el director es exigirle al gobierno que le pongan guardias al trayecto de las 12 horas de la noche hasta las 6 de la mañana.” (Tijuana) “… so there are a lot of things, crime now is around 100%, so yes, a lot of times we take care of things, for example the principals take care of what’s going on in the schools, right, but also they also should see that if they don’t attack the problem at its root, because in many cases, students leave the schools empty, they take the computers, they take anything valuable and this causes damage to the kids, to the students, it leaves them without protection, yes, weapons, so what the principal has to do there is demand of the governement that they place guards on patrol at the schools from 12AM – 6AM. (Tijuana) “Como yo lo veo es el hecho de que Tijuana en si está aumentando ¿no? o sea está creciendo en tamaño y eso pues está como implícito que va a crecer todo así ¿no?, los empleos, la educación, la industria y también el crimen organizado o sea ahora los que tenemos chance de vivir aquí más en una zona céntrica nada más lee lo que dice el periódico pero digo en las afueras matan gente todos los días y no sabe la gente, nomás te dicen las cosas bonitas.” (Joven Tijuana) “As I see it, the fact is that in Tijuana, it’s getting worse, right? I mean that it’s increasing in size and well, it seems that everything is just going to keep getting worse, right?, jobs, education, industry as well as organized crime – meaning that now we have the chance to live here in downtown…all you have to do is read what the newspapers say, but I say that in the suburbs they are killing people every day and no one knows, they just tell you the good things.” (Joven Tijuana) “A lo mejor muchos se van a identificar conmigo, cuando estaban pequeños a veces hasta la familia, eran muy unidos los vecinos y si había alguna controversia o diferencia había a fuerzas se ponían de acuerdo y se les quitaba el enojo ¿en cuestión de qué?, de que antes estábamos chavitos y todos en la calle jugando soccer un ejemplo, soccer y ponía uno así las piedritas como portería, las niñas jugando a la muñeca con la vecina, los papás conviviendo en mecedoras en el porche y ahorita ya no, ya está todo solo, vacío y a las diez de la noche ya es como si fueran las dos de la mañana.” (Monterrey) “Maybe a lot of people are going to identify with me, when they were little, even the family was really tight with the neighbors and if there was any kind of problems or big difference, people would get together and find a way to get along, they’d drop their anger, why?, because before we were kids and we were all in the streets playing soccer for example and you laid out stones to make a goal, the girls used to play with their dolls with the neighbors and parents got together on porch swings and now none of this happens. Everything is empty and at 10PM it’s as if it was 2AM.” (Monterrey) Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 115 “Comparada a otros años si se ha acentuado mucho…Yo digo que se llega al extremo de ya estar viviendo en una situación de terrorismo, porque mientras antes se te presentaban con una navaja o con una pistola ahora te amenazan vía telefónica o simplemente personalmente, yo algunos compañeros les platiqué porque traía la situación de impotencia, yo sufrí un robo en el cual no se me presentó ninguna arma, simplemente me para un Federal de Caminos en la carretera, me detiene pero yo vi a dos a un kilómetro de distancia había visto que estaba una camioneta que al minuto que está el oficial Federal abordándome de la documentación de la camioneta en una bajada donde te excedes de la velocidad que también hay un letrero ahí después lo vi de 110 Km por hora, entonces llega la camioneta y el de la camioneta y me dice si valoras tu vida súbete a la patrulla y en el otro asiento dejas todo el dinero que traes si valoras tu vida. En la patrulla y con el silencio del Federal de Caminos, el Federal de Caminos con su pistola de radar abordándome bien él pero era una actuación prácticamente porque el otro ya estaba en comunicación con él, estaban coludidos.” (Monterrey) “Compared to recent years, it’s gotten worse… I am telling you that it’s going to an extreme… people are living in a terrorism situation because while before they just had a knife or a gun but now they threaten you over the phone or simply in person, I told some of my friends because I was in a powerless position, I was robbed and the guy didn’t have a weapon, I get pulled over by the Highway Police, he detains me but I saw two people about a kilometer away, I had seen that they were in a truck and one minute later the Highway Police officer was there asking me for the papers for my truck on a hill that makes you go really fast and there is also a sign there that I saw that said 110 kilometers per hour, then the other truck shows up and the guy in the truck ‘If you value your life, get into the police car and in the other seat, leave all the money you have, if you value your life.” I get in the police car and the Highway Patrol officer just sits there in silence with his radar gun pointed at me, but it was just an act practically because the other one had already been in touch with him… they were in cahoots.” (Monterrey) Beyond this impact evaluation of the programs in general, we are limited by the scope of the information and we cannot go deeper to give clues on exactly what types of programs were most effective. This is because the interviews at the neighborhood level (level or area of influence of specific programs) are not sufficient to perform statistical inferences with the level of reliability required at the city level. We believe that in general, in the case of Mexico, the results are weak and modest. However, for a significant number of indicators the results are positive regarding the direction of the impact, but unfortunately (still) not very encouraging in terms of the magnitude of the impact. Unlike CARSI’s impact evaluations in four Central American countries, where the results were more favorable, we believe that there are four possible reasons that may explain the results obtained so far for the evaluation of Mexico. These are: a) Design Reasons: As mentioned in the earlier sections of this report, where we describe in detail the methodology used, we see that Mexico has two major variations from most CARSI countries that have to do with the selection of the neighborhoods we studied. The first has to do with the fact that the treatment neighborhoods were selected for convenience and according to the criteria of the Living Better program. The second has to do with the selection procedure of control neighborhoods, that even though it was rigorous, extensive and in-depth vis-a-vis its and comparison (i.e. matching) of socio- Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 116 economic indicators, it lacked the ability to include additional comparisons of indicators and specific data on crime and violence. b) Reasons of Time: Here we refer to the relatively short time since the programs were implemented (see Table 8) which may imply that many of the effects of programs that were measured through individual questionnaires have not yet materialized. It is interesting to see that the indicators on which the treatment had a favorable impact, have more to do with effects that we anticipated would happen at the early stages of implementation of the programs, such as the ones on communication and knowledge of where respondents identify that there are institutions working for crime prevention or supporting youth in their community. After-effects, such as reduction of fear or crime are captured but not yet at the expected level. c) Special Characteristics of the Neighborhoods in Mexico: There are important differences with regard to the CARSI evaluations, which could explain differences in results in terms of their magnitude; there are two main differences. The first has to do with the fact that the neighborhoods in Mexico are much larger in terms of number of households and number of square kilometers in cities and of a much greater magnitude and complexity potentially than the areas included in Central America. This may explain the fact that the effects of the programs are diluted or have minor effects at the level of “the whole community.” The second difference has to do with the different situations, in terms of crime and violence, the three cities were experiencing during the baseline round and in the second round. For example, Monterrey was going through one of its worst moments during the baseline and for the second round, and after an intense presence of the Mexican army, experienced, in comparative terms, a time of much greater security. It seems that Tijuana experienced apparently minor changes, but in the opposite direction. d) Reasons of Neighborhood Make-Up: Finally, we think that it is possible, since no indicators on crime and violence at the neighborhood level which would have allowed a more comprehensive selection of control neighborhoods exist, that elasticity of change in perceptions, i.e. the sensitivity of these to similar changes (such as context), had a greater impact on the control neighborhoods than in the treatment neighborhoods and therefore the captured effects have been lower than expected. This would mean that individuals in the control neighborhoods showed more marked changes than the treatment neighborhoods, in situations of adversity or improvement. 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Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 121 Appendices Appendix A: Study Design: A Multi-Site “Cluster Randomized Experiment” (CRE) According to a major study undertaken by USAID for the National Academy of Sciences, and on which one of the authors of this LAPOP study (Mitchell Seligson) participated, the goal of a scientifically rigorous evaluation is to test the counterfactual; to be able to determine “not merely what happened after a given assistance program, but how much of what happened differs from what would be observed in the absence of this program” (National Research Council 2008: 44). As recommended by that study, a credible evaluation must contain certain features, all of which are part of the LAPOP evaluation design. The main design features of LAPOP’s research design are: (1) Collection of data in selected units before and during the implementation of the programs; specifically, a baseline study, and two mid-point measurements. Initially, LAPOP proposed a post-treatment measurement. However, due to changes in the program implementation schedule, in the case of Mexico, only one measurement was made during the study and a post-program was not feasible; Thus, the present impact evaluation consists of two rounds of surveys (baseline and mid-term). (2) The random assignment of units to either a “treatment” or “control” group [i.e. units that are to be treated by the program and units that in all other aspects are eligible for but do not participate in or benefit from the program]. In the case of Mexico, the assignment of treatment units was not random and that is why we refer to a quasi￾experimental design. The design used in this study is technically known as a “Cluster Randomized Experiment” (CRE), or “Multi-Site Cluster Randomized Experiments” when carried out in blocks composed of clusters (in our case, neighborhoods) that are very similar (Spybrook, Raudenbush, Liu and Congdon 2008). This type of experimental design is widely considered to be among the most reliable and accurate methods for establishing cause-and-effect (Puddy and Wilkins 2011; Sherman 2012). The research design used by LAPOP for the CARSI evaluation scores a 5 (the highest level) on the Maryland Scale of Accuracy in the Design of Evaluation, indicating that the findings yielded by the study should be considered strong evidence for a cause-and-effect relationship (or non-relationship; Sherman 2012). As described by Murray (1998), a CRE has four distinguishing characteristics (note that in this study, the block or site corresponded to a country or municipality, and the cluster to a community): a) “The unit of assignment is an identifiable group rather than an individual. Such groups are not formed at random, but rather through some connection among their members.” This design was appropriate for the CARSI and Merida projects, since the program was based on the community or neighborhood as the unit of analysis in each site or country. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 122 b) Different units of assignment are allocated [randomly] to each study condition [either to a treatment or control group].” c) “Units of observation are members of the groups that serve as the units of assignment.” Thus, this type of experiment has a multilevel structure. In this case, the cities or countries are the highest aggregate level, units of assignment [polígonos/neighborhoods] formed an intermediate level, and individuals were the lowest aggregate level. d) CREs “typically involve only a limited number of assignment units in each study condition.” The CRE design is an especially appropriate research design for community-based programs. The group-based unit of assignment corresponds to the neighborhood grouping of individuals. Although the interventions may target certain individuals within communities, (for instance, at￾risk youth), random assignment of individuals to treatment and control groups is at times not effective since it is difficult to avoid interaction between individuals across study conditions (i.e., in any given community, at-risk youth in the treatment group will most likely interact with those in the control group). To avoid this problem of contamination, the CRE design uses non￾contiguous clusters (e.g., neighborhoods or communities) that are then randomly assigned to each study condition (i.e., treated/non-treated). The literature regards CRE as the “best comparative design available” when an intervention “operates at a [cluster] level, [and] manipulates the social or physical environment” (Murray 1998). The unit of assignment in the study was the “neighborhood or community” [colonia, or comunidad]. The units of observation corresponded to “individuals” within neighborhoods, including those who were likely to be direct beneficiaries of the programs, those who benefited only indirectly, and those who did not participate in the programs’ activities. In this type of trial, the multi-level structure of the experiment determines its design and the methods used to analyze the data; given the multi-level nature of CRE, the data analysis is more complex than in Randomized Experiments (RE). Standard errors must be adjusted to account for the study’s “design effect” (Kish 1995; Hayes and Moulton 2009). In a study that includes a large number of assignment units (thousands of neighborhoods), randomization ensures that units assigned to treatment and control groups will, on average, be very similar before the intervention. This is a result of the well-known “law of large numbers,” in which a coin-toss will approach 50% heads and 50% tails as the number of tosses approaches infinity. For example, in a vaccine trial, there could be thousands of individuals who receive the vaccine and a similar group that does not. In large groups like this, the pre-vaccine immune levels should be very similar in both groups. However, in experiments involving a relatively small number of assignment units (as in the case of CARSI and the CRE methodology more generally), the number of treatment areas is relatively limited, if for no other reason than the units are not individuals but neighborhoods in which we are sampling individuals. It is not feasible to fund an impact evaluation of thousands of communities as the costs would be far too high for the limited resources available. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 123 Differences in the averages for any given variable in the starting level of the treatment and control communities were expected for this study, and in fact that is what was found for many variables. The number of communities was just too small to expect the means of treatment and control to have converged. Even after 100 coin tosses, there is only about an 8% chance of getting a 50/50 split, although getting to a 60/40 split is quite likely. Therefore, for studies such as the one LAPOP undertook, in which the number of neighborhoods is relatively small, other strategies are implemented in addition to randomization to minimize baseline differences between treatment and control groups and increase the internal validity of the study. When the number of assignment units is small, a “stratified” design can be used to help minimize differences between treatment and control communities. In a stratified design, units from relatively homogenous sub-groups (i.e., groups that share similar characteristics) are randomly assigned to either the treatment or control. In the specific case of this evaluation where assignment of neighborhoods was not random, similarity between groups was sought by pre￾visits to assign control neighborhoods via the matching method comparing aggregate socio￾economic indicators. The matching method is described below and it consists of the comparison of economic indicators as well as of a direct observation of the physical conditions of the neighborhoods. Selection of Study Areas The LAPOP’s Merida-CARSI impact evaluation includes four Central American countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama) and Mexico. In most Central American countries, the selection of treatment and control neighborhoods is done randomly. In the case of Mexico, it was not the case because neighborhood treatments were chosen for “convenience” and according to the strategy of the federal government’s Live Better program that we describe later. Below is a map that locates the three northern cities included in this evaluation and a map for each city showing neighborhoods (control, treatment and not at-risk) selected in each one of them. Regarding the selection of control neighborhoods, we can say that USAID gave us reference cards with a detailed description of the sociodemographic conditions of each treatment neighborhoods in Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and Monterrey. From this information, LAPOP implemented a review process in the municipalities and communities of interest ensuring that those communities had similar socio-demographic conditions. The information for the selection of communities came from the General Population Census of 2010, designed, conducted and managed by the National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI) in Mexico. Then we visited seven control communities across all three cities to select three of them; four communities were also considered of no risk (and were shortlisted for socio-demographic information available via the 2010 Census). We selected two in Tijuana, two in Ciudad Juárez, and one in Monterrey. In the following section we provide further details on the community selection process. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 124 Map 1: Geographic Location of the Three Cities Included in the Impact Evaluation Map 2: Geographic Location of the Treatment, Control, and No-Risk Neighborhoods in Ciudad Juárez Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 125 Map 3: Geographic Location of the Treatment, Control and No-Risk Neighborhoods in Monterrey Map 4: Geographic Location of the Treatment, Control and No-Risk Neighborhoods in Tijuana Stages of the Study and Types of Data Collected by LAPOP Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 126 Once the list of control communities was determined (based on pre-visits and looking to keep it as close as possible to the treatment neighborhoods), the process of field work began. This was also a multistage effort, as detailed below. Quantitative Data: (1) Baseline Survey The baseline data characterized the population of study in both treatment and control groups in order to assess the starting condition of each, since the DID method looks at changes from the baseline. The baseline survey helped to draw causal inferences about the effect of the interventions because it made it possible to compare groups before and after the intervention. Phase I: Pre-Visits to the Neighborhoods In each of the three cities included in the research, it was necessary to select three control neighborhoods that did not share a border or that were too close to the treatment group. At the sample time, the communities should have similar characteristics to those in the treatment group. For selection, we carried out two complementary procedures. The first was clerical work that consisted of pre-selection of geographical areas of similar size and characteristics for each neighborhood being processed. These areas are the neighborhoods that are candidates to be selected as control communities. For each of the treatment neighborhoods, we selected based at least two similar geographical areas based on 45 economic indicators. Illustrated below is a list of the main indicators:  Total Number of People; People Between 0 and 11 Years of Age  People Under 15; People Between 5-15 Years of Age; People Between 13-15 Years of Age  People Between 16-18 Years of Age; People 65 and Older  People 5-15 Years of Age Not Attending School  People 13-15 Years of Age Not Attending School  People 15 and Older Who Cannot Read or Write  People 15 and Older Who Have Not Completed Primary School  Households Without Access to Social Security  Total Number of Households  Households Headed By Women; Households With Dirt Floors  Proportion of Households Without Electricity  Proportion of Households Without Running Water in the House  Proportion of Households With No Bathroom or Toilet  Proportion of Households Without a Drain or Sewer  Proportion of Households Without TV  Proportion of Households Without a Refrigerator  Proportion of Households Without a Washing Machine  Proportion of Households Without a Computers Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 127  Proportion of Households Without Internet For the selection of candidates in the non-risk neighborhoods, we followed a similar pre￾selection process the only difference being that we aimed to locate geographical areas whose socioeconomic indicators were comparatively better than in the treatment/control groups. The result of this procedure was the pre-selection of 7 candidates in the control group and 4 non-risk candidates in each of the cities for a total of 33 potential neighborhoods (21 control and 12 non￾risk). Once we selected these 33 potential neighborhoods, a second method of selection which consisted of a personal pre-visit to each of them by means of an observation to compare their physical characteristics against treatment neighborhoods was performed. In each city, we first visited the treatment neighborhoods and then the control and non-risk neighborhoods, making a total of 42 personal pre-visits; nine to the treatment neighborhoods and 33 to the candidates described above. All pre-visits were made between July and August 2012 by a team of professional interviewers. In order to systematize the observations of the pre-visits and standardize the procedures we captured data at each site by following a questionnaire designed to capture the general conditions of the areas visited as well as the team's observations in the field. Additional data obtained during the pre-visit was the assessment of the existence of minimum conditions of access and security for the field team so they could perform the subsequent components of the quantitative research. Once the 42 pre-visits were completed, we proceeded to process and evaluate the information collected on them. With the input of information that we have described here so far, we proceeded to make recommendations of the control and non-risk neighborhoods that could be ideal for the impact evaluation. The proposal, with due justification, was validated by our counterparts in USAID. After this important part of the quantitative research, we proceeded to prepare the implementation of the three components described below. Phase II: Surveys to Households Once we had selected the 23 neighborhoods, (nine treatment, nine control, and five non-risk) in which the research would be carried out, we proceeded to gather information on three levels ranging from the general to the particular, which together make up a comprehensive diagnosis of the relevant variables of the investigation. The three levels are: context, household, and individual. In this section, we will discuss the methodology used to collect information on households and the following sections will cover the other two levels. In each of the 23 neighborhoods selected for research, we draw a random sample of households. Two criteria for the selection of the sample were defined: (a) having a theoretical margin of error in each neighborhood of +/- 5% with a statistical confidence of 95% and (b) a dispersed sample in 20 sampling points per neighborhood. The sampling frame used to draw the sample were the basic geo-statistic areas from the INEGI also known as the 2010 AGEB Census. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 128 Sampling was done in two stages. In the first stage, 20 blocks were randomly selected using a systematic random probability method based on the number of households on each block, where the blocks with more households are more likely to be selected than blocks with smaller number of households, but where all the blocks have a probability different from zero of being selected. Such a process is known as probability proportional to size or PPS. The second stage consisted of a random selection of households within selected blocks in the first stage. At each point, we pre-defined a number of households to be interviewed, which was conducted through a pre-established systematic jump starting in a randomly selected household. Interviewers walked the block clockwise, selecting homes with this procedure until all interviews were completed. All households had a probability different from zero of being selected. Within each selected household, we interviewed a member of the household who was 18 years of age or older and who could provide information on all household members. Ideally, we were looking to speak to the head of the household. Before starting the interview, a letter of informed consent where each adult respondent gave us their agreement to participate in the interview was read. We scheduled a total of 8,560 interviews: 2,760 in Juarez, Tijuana 2,940, and 2,860 in Monterrey. It was not possible to complete all the interviews. These reasons range from rejecting participation in the study to sending the interviewers to unsafe places. In total, 7,866 valid interviews, enough to make estimates and to obtain baseline results, were completed. The interviews were conducted between August and September 2012. It was necessary to replace a non-risk neighborhood and suspend the individual survey in a treatment neighborhood on Monterrey due to insecurity. We pre-selected other neighborhoods in Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez, but it was not necessary to replace neighborhoods in these two cities. Phase III. Systematic Observations Systematic observations constitute a standardized register of physical conditions of the state of the streets where the household surveys were applied. As the name implies, they are direct observations of a catalog of relevant aspects of the social context and physical characteristics. In order to accomplish this, we logged the information for each block for each of the blocks included in the sample in an observation questionnaire where the interviewers’ filed team record their observations (Appendix B). Among other things, the questionnaire records 20 aspects of the physical appearance of the block, the presence of 16 different resources/infrastructure and the presence of seven different types of groups of people at the time of observation, as well as additional general comments that the interviewer could record. All observations were conducted between August and September 2012. Figure 63: Example of a Photographic Registry of Systemic Observations Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 129 The selected neighborhoods represent large-sized populations of more than 1,000 households distributed in a considerably large geographic area. Therefore, it was necessary to follow a scientific selection process for taking a representative sample based on technical criteria. The sampling design was proposed to be representative of all households that made up each neighborhood. The description of the sampling procedure is described in Phase II above. For this section, is important to note that for household selected in the sample, we conducted a systematic observation of the street. If two or more households in the sample were on the same street, only one systematic observation was conducted. In the data set, each household has associated information about the context generated from the registry of systematic observations that we have described here so far. Additionally, we generated a visual record for most of the streets of at least one photograph per street where the systematic observations were carried out. In some neighborhoods, certain risk conditions were detected and as such, the team of supervisors decided not to take photographs. Further down, we show an example of this photographic archive for one of the sampling point a treatment neighborhood in Tijuana where we show the name and photograph of the streets where the interviews were conducted. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 130 Phase V: Surveys to Individuals The survey of individuals is the fourth product of quantitative research conducted during the baseline and constitutes the most disaggregate information gathered by capturing the opinions, perceptions, preferences, attitudes, and behaviors at the individual level. It is at this level that we expected the programs implemented in the treatment neighborhoods to have a greater impact. To select the individual who participated in the individual survey, we followed the sample frame from the previous research stage. As mentioned above, in the household survey, we recorded data of all members of the households. With the information from the adults, we proceeded to make a quota sampling within each of the 20 sample points of each neighborhood to interview women / men of all ages according to the proportional incidence of them on every block. For example, assume that in a neighborhood, we conducted 300 household interviews and in each of them, there are four adults. This would yield a total of 1,200 adults in these households. That number of adults would be the sampling frame for that particular neighborhood. For each of the 20 blocks of the neighborhood in this example, we know how many are women and how many are men and we know the age of each of them and this information allows us to determine for each block of the respondent profile (by gender and age) that we carry out in accordance to the proportion / weight of that block out of the total number of blocks. For each neighborhood, we scheduled 300 individual interviews for a total of 6,600 interviews using the individual questionnaire: 2,400 in Ciudad Juárez, 2,400 in Tijuana, and 1,800 in Monterrey. In the latter, we had to suspend the fieldwork at the treatment neighborhood of Independencia (Independence) due to the very high crime that the team faced in that area. In some cases, it was not possible to complete the prescribed number of interviews for various reasons which were documented for each neighborhood and reported to USAID in due course.12 In total, we completed 5,963 valid interviews, enough to make estimates (at the city level and by type of neighborhood) and to obtain baseline results. All interviews were conducted between September and November 2012. In each household, the same questionnaire was applied to one adult member of the household. The questionnaire has multiple questions the following main topics: quality of life, social capital, community roots, social cohesion, community participation, empowerment, individual safety, contextual security, crime prevention, at-risk youth, victimization, corruption, discrimination, and political culture. The next section presents the key results of each of these issues. 12 The reports have to do mainly with the risky and unsafe conditions that the teams of interviewers faced while carrying out their work as well as the reaction of people in the neighborhoods (sometimes supporting them and alerting the team) and other extraordinary events that the teams observed. Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 131 Second Round Collection 2014 In the second round of information gathering in 2014 in the communities of Ciudad Juárez, Monterrey, and Tijuana, a total of 22 neighborhoods were visited: five non-risk, nine control, and eight treatment. The sample was selected in the same blocks and households that were visited in the baseline in 2012 (hence the sampling frame and design are the same as the baseline), to complete the planned sample, we visited some homes and blocks different from the ones on the baseline but always within the limits of each of the originally selected neighborhoods. The original design planned the completion of 6,600 interviews; considering the non-response rates and times of operation of the project, the final number of interviews was 6,113. As described in previous sections, the number of selected communities and the sampling strategy was designed by LAPOP. The field work conducted from March 25th to May 28th, 2014. Table 6 shows the distribution of the 2014 sample. Table 6. Sample Distribution in Mexico for the 2014 Collection Non-Risk Treatment Control Total Number of Communities 5 8 9 22 Individual Interviews 1,456 2,060 2,597 6,113 Systematic Observations 229 334 407 970 Qualitative Data Now we describe the scope and general methodology for qualitative phase. + Focus Group Composition The focus groups were conducted in the cities of Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and Monterrey from November 19th – 26th, 2012. The sessions were led by a moderator and recorded only on audio requesting the anonymity of the participants. The recruitment was carried out by three teams, each of them responsible for a different city. Participants were invited to speak to groups about insecurity and how it has impacted their personal, family, community and social environment. Four group profiles were carried out in each city: • Group 1 Youth at Low-Risk • Group 2 Youth at High-Risk • Group 3 Community Leaders • Group 4 Public Officials Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 132 The following briefly describes the characteristics of each of the profiles: Group 1 was composed of young people who have not had anything to do with the police or have ever committed crimes. The age of participants was 18-25. They were made up of students, workers, or both. This group was mostly composed of young people of the same socioeconomic status as the treatment and control neighborhoods in the quantitative phase. Group 2 was composed of young people who had problems with the police, young people who had committed crimes; had been in prison, or in trouble with the public prosecutor; or who had a violent background. The age of participants was 18-25 and they were students, workers, or both. They were mostly composed of young people of similar socioeconomic status to the level of the treatment and control neighborhoods in the quantitative phase. Group 3 consisted of parents, small and medium-level businessmen, school teachers, and religious leaders. The ages of the participants were 26 to 50. They were composed of mostly people who lived in similar areas to those in the treatment and control groups in the quantitative stage. Group 4 consisted of lawyers, school principals, members of social organizations, teachers, small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, community leaders, and religious leaders. Composed mostly of people from a socio-economic level of D + / C according to the Mexican Association of Research Agencies (AMAI). Data Collection Sites Mexico The information from the communities studied was collected in three cities in northern Mexico; these were Ciudad Juárez, Tijuana, and Monterrey. In these three urban areas, we worked in non￾risk, treatment and control communities as shown in Table 7. Table 7. Sample Distribution in Mexico by City for the 2014 Data Collection City Non-Risk Treatment Control Total Ciudad Juárez 581 611 895 2,087 Monterrey 305 583 883 1,771 Tijuana 577 865 813 2,255 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 133 In Table 8, we show general statistics that describe the conditions of households in each of the cities included in this impact evaluation. Table 8. Statistics on Household Conditions in the Three Cities Where Research was Carried Out in Mexico Tijuana Juárez Monterrey Average of occupants in private dwellings, 2010 3.7 3.7 3.8 Households without dirt floors, % 94.4 91.2 94.2 Households that have running water, % 94.9 91.2 95.4 Households that have sewage/drainage systems % 96.1 92.1 95.8 Households that have a toilet or a bathroom, % 97.6 92.5 96.0 Households with electricity, % 98.0 93.0 96.5 Households that have a refrigerator, % 91.6 89.5 92.8 Households that have a television % 96.7 91.8 95.0 Households that have a washing machine % 76.3 77.7 84.0 Households that have a computer, % 44.2 32.7 44.3 Considering that the incidence and vulnerability to crime is higher in urban areas (as has been shown by the AmericasBarometer surveys), the impact evaluation in Mexico was limited to at￾risk areas (and non-risk) in urban areas. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 134 Appendix B: Individual Questionnaire LAPOP estudio de comunidades Core Spanish Version # FINAL Mexico IRB Approval: 110627 Estudio de comunidades: MEXICO 2014 © Vanderbilt University 2014. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. PAIS. IDNUM. Número de cuestionario [asignado en la oficina]__________________ PROV. Ciudad: (1) Cd. Juárez (2) Monterrey (3) Tijuana MUNICIPIO. Nombre Municipio: (1) Cd. Juárez (2) Monterrey (4) Tijuana NOMBAR. Nombre del Barrio/ Colonia/Comunidad____________________________________________________ BLOQUE. Número de Polígono Manzana. Número de manzana_______________________________________________________ CUADRA. Número de cuadra dentro de la manzana o pasaje__________________________________ NUMVIVI.NÚMERO DE LA VIVIENDA DENTRO DE LA MANZANA:______ NUMHOGAR.NÚMERO DE ORDEN DEL HOGAR DENTRO DE LA VIVIENDA:__________ HORA. Hora de inicio: _____:_____AM PM ------------ ATENCIÓN: ES UN REQUISITO LEER SIEMPRE LA HOJA DE CONSENTIMIENTO INFORMADO ANTES DE COMENZAR Q1. Género [ANOTAR, NO PREGUNTE]: (1) Hombre (2) Mujer Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 135 Ahora para cada una de las siguientes asociaciones que le voy a mencionar, quiero que por favor me diga si actualmente es usted miembro y si participa en reuniones de estas asociaciones [Para cada una de las asociaciones primero preguntar si es miembro y, después, preguntar si participa en reuniones de esa asociación aun cuando NO sea miembro] A. ¿Es usted miembro? B. y diría usted que participa en reuniones ______ [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] S í N o N S N R Una vez a la semana Una o dos veces al mes Una o dos veces al año Nunc a NS NR CP6N. De un grupo religioso 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP7N. De una asociación educativa (de la escuela, colegio, instituto, o universidad) 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP8N.De un comité o junta de mejoras para la comunidad 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP9N. De una asociación de profesionales, comerciantes, productores, y/u organizaciones campesinas 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP13N.De un partido político 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP14N.De algún otro grupo o asociación voluntaria o comunitaria? 1 0 88 98 1 2 3 4 88 98 [RECOGER TARJETA “A”] [RECOGER TARJETA “B”] [ENTREGAR TARJETA “C”] LS3. Para comenzar, ¿en general, qué tan satisfecho(a) está con su vida? ¿Usted diría que se encuentra: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Muy satisfecho(a) (2) Algo satisfecho(a) (3) Algo insatisfecho(a) (4) Muy insatisfecho(a) (88) NS (98) NR [ENTREGAR TARJETA “A”] LS6. En esta tarjeta hay una escalera con gradas numeradas del cero al diez. El cero es la grada más baja y representa la peor vida posible para usted. El diez es la grada más alta y representa la mejor vida posible para usted. ¿En qué grada de la escalera se siente usted en estos momentos? Por favor, escoja la grada que mejor represente su opinión. [Señale en la tarjeta el número que representa la “peor vida posible” y el que representa “la mejor vida posible”. Indíquele a la persona entrevistada que puede seleccionar un número intermedio en la escala]. [ENTREGAR TARJETA “B”] IT1B1. Ahora, usando la misma escalera, suponga que el cero, la grada más baja, significa hay que tener mucho cuidado cuando uno trata con otras personas y el diez, la grada más alta, significa que se puede confiar en la mayoría de las personas. ¿Qué piensa usted? Por favor escoja la grada que mejor represente su opinión. [Señale el número en la tarjeta que representa “se puede confiar en la mayoría de las personas” y el que significa “ hay que tener mucho cuidado cuando uno trata con otras personas ”.Indíquele a la persona entrevistada que puede seleccionar un número intermedio] Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 136 IT1B2. Ahora usando la misma escalera, suponga que el cero, la grada más baja, significa que la mayoría de las personas sólo se preocupan de sí mismas y el diez, la grada más alta, significa que la mayoría de las personas tratan de ser serviciales. ¿Qué piensa usted? Por favor escoja la grada que mejor represente su opinión. [RECOGER TARJETA “C”] [ENTREGAR TARJETA “D”] IT1B3. Ahora usando la misma escalera, suponga que el cero, la grada más baja, significa que la mayoría de las personas tratarían de aprovecharse de usted y el diez, la grada más alta, significa que la mayoría de las personas tratarían de ser justas con usted. ¿Qué piensa usted? Por favor escoja la grada que mejor represente su opinión. [RECOGER TARJETA “D”] A continuación me gustaría hacerle unas preguntas sobre este barrio IT1. Hablando de la gente de aquí, ¿diría que la gente de este barrio es: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Muy confiable (2) Algo confiable (3) Poco confiable (4) Nada confiable (88) NS (98) NR SOCTIE1. ¿Nació usted aquí en este barrio? (1) Sí[Pase a SOCTIE5] (2)No[Siga] (88) NS [Pase a SOCTIE5] (98) NR[Pase a SOCTIE5] SOCTIE2. ¿En qué año se vino a vivir aquí? [Si el entrevistado no recuerda, sondee: me podría decir más o menos en qué año] Año [Cuatro dígitos] |__|__|__|__| (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP SOCTIE5. Sin incluir a sus familiares, ¿cuántos vecinos adultos conoce usted por su nombre en este barrio? Diría usted que…[Leer alternativas] (1) A ninguno (2) A pocos (3) A muchos (4) A casi todos (5) A todos (6) (88) NS (98) NR SOCTIE8. En general, diría usted que este barrio es [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] : (1) Un lugar muy bueno para vivir (2) Un lugar bueno para vivir (3) [No leer; espontánea: ni bueno, ni malo] (4) Un lugar malo para vivir, o (5) Un lugar muy malo para vivir (88) NS (98) NR BAR1. En su opinión, en los últimos 12 meses, este barrio, ha mejorado, ha permanecido igual o ha empeorado como lugar para vivir? (1) Ha mejorado (2) Sigue igual (3) Ha empeorado (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 137 A4C. En su opinión ¿cuál es el problema más grave que enfrenta este barrio? [NO LEER ALTERNATIVAS; SÓLO UNA OPCIÓN] Agua, falta de 1 9 Medio ambiente/Basura en las calles 1 0 Áreas de recreación, falta de 7 1 Migración 1 6 Áreas de recreación, mal estado 7 2 Narcotráfico 1 2 Balaceras o tiroteos 7 4 No hay problemas 7 3 Caminos/vías en mal estado 1 8 Pandillas 1 4 Corrupción 1 3 Pobreza 0 4 Delincuencia, crimen 0 5 Protestas populares (huelgas, cierre de carreteras, paros, etc.) 0 6 Desempleo/falta de empleo 0 3 Salud, falta de servicio 2 2 Desigualdad 5 8 Secuestro 3 1 Desnutrición 2 3 Seguridad (falta de) 2 7 Desplazamiento forzado 3 2 Tierra para cultivar, falta de 0 7 Discriminación 2 5 Transporte, problemas con el 6 0 Consumo de drogas 1 1 Violencia 5 7 Economía, problemas con, crisis de 0 1 Vivienda, malas condiciones 5 5 Educación, falta de, mala calidad 2 1 Otro 7 0 Electricidad, falta de 2 4 NS 8 8 Explosión demográfica/sobre población/hacinamiento 2 0 NR 9 8 Drenajes, falta de (no hay tuberías) 7 5 Ahora, le voy a leer algunas frases acerca de cosas que las personas en este barrio pueden o no hacer. Para cada una de estas frases, por favor dígame si usted está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo. [Repita después de cada pregunta “muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo” para ayudar al entrevistado] Muy de acuerdo De acuerdo En desacuerdo Muy en desacuerdo NS NR SOCO1. La primera frase dice…cuando hay un problema en este barrio, los vecinos suelen organizarse para tratar de resolverlo. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 138 SOCO2. Este barrio es un barrio unido.¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO3. La gente de este barrio está dispuesta a ayudar a sus vecinos. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO6. Sus vecinos suelen ayudarle a vigilar a su casa cuando no hay nadie.¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO8. Usted puede confiar en los vecinos de este barrio. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO9P4.La acción organizada de los vecinos de este barrio ayuda a resolver los problemas comunitarios.¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO11. Usted siente temor o desconfianza cuando tiene que tratar con un policía. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOCO12. Cuando usted ve a un policía, piensa que está allí para protegerlo (a). ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Para continuar, voy a leerle algunas frases. Para cada una de ellas, por favor digame si está usted muy de acuerdo, algo de acuerdo, algo en desacuerdo o muy en desacuerdo. . [Repita después de cada pregunta “muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo” para ayudar al entrevistado] Muy de acuerdo De acuerdo En desacuerdo Muy en desacuerdo NS NR SOC20P4.El gobierno proporciona información adecuada sobre cómo prevenir los delitos. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 139 SOC21P4.El gobierno proporciona información adecuada sobre la seguridad en esta ciudad. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo,en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOC22P4.Considera que tiene conocimientos básicos de cómo prevenir los delitos. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOC23P4. En este barrio hay suficientes oportunidades para que los jóvenes se ganen la vida. ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SOC24P4.Unirse a las organizaciones criminales para tener un ingreso mayor es una alternativa de vida para los jóvenes de este barrio ¿Usted diría que está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo con esta frase? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Pasando a otro tema, a veces la gente y las comunidades tienen problemas que no pueden resolver por sí mismas, y para tratar de resolverlos piden ayuda a algún funcionario u oficina del gobierno. ¿Para tratar de resolver algún problema alguna vez ha pedido usted ayuda o cooperación ... [LEA CADA OPCIÓN Y ANOTE LA RESPUESTA] Sí No NS NR CP2MEX. A algún diputado Local o Federal? 1 2 88 98 CP4A. A alguna autoridad local como el Presidente Municipal o Delegado? 1 2 88 98 CP4. A algún secretaría de gobierno, institución pública, u oficina del Estado? 1 2 88 98 PN4. En general, ¿usted diría que está muy satisfecho(a), satisfecho(a), insatisfecho(a) o muy insatisfecho(a) con la forma en que la democracia funciona en Mexico? (1) Muy satisfecho (2) Satisfecho (3) Insatisfecho (4) Muy insatisfecho (88) NS (98) NR Ahora, cambiando de tema, me podría decir, ¿qué tan seguro o inseguro se sentiría usted en las siguientes situaciones: muy seguro, algo seguro, algo inseguro o muy inseguro? Muy seguro Algo seguro Algo inseguro Muy inseguro NS NR FEAR0. Estando en su casa con su familia cuando es de día ¿se sintiría… 1 2 3 4 88 98 FEAR1. Estando solo (a) en su casa cuando es de día ¿se sintiría 1 2 3 4 88 98 FEAR2. Estando solo (a) en su casa cuando es de noche ¿se sintiría … 1 2 3 4 88 98 FEAR3. Caminando solo (a) por este barriocuando es de día ¿se sintiría 1 2 3 4 88 98 FEAR4. Caminando solo (a) por este barrio cuando es de noche ¿se sintiría 1 2 3 4 88 98 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 140 usted… FEAR6.En general ¿qué tan preocupado está usted de que alguien entre a su casa a robar cuando no hay nadie? Está usted … (1) Muy preocupado (2) Algo preocupado (3) Poco preocupado (4) Nada preocupado (88) NS (98) NR FEAR7. En general, ¿qué tan preocupado (a) está usted de que alguien lo (la) detenga en la calle, lo (la) amenace, golpee, o le haga daño en este barrio? Está usted… (1) Muy preocupado (2) Algo preocupado (3) Poco preocupado (4) Nada preocupado (88) NS (98) NR FEAR9.Ahora hablando de otros lugares de [NOMBRE CIUDAD], ¿qué tan preocupado (a) está usted de que alguien lo (a) detenga en la calle, lo (a) amenace, golpee, o le haga daño en este municipio? Está usted… (1) Muy preocupado (2) Algo preocupado (3) Poco preocupado (4) Nada preocupado (88) NS (98) NR FEARP4a. Ahora, cambiando de tema: ¿Considera usted que vivir en el ESTADO de [NOMBRE DEL ESTADO]es[LEER ALTERNATIVAS]? (1) Muy seguro (2) Algo seguro(3) Algo inseguro(4) Muy inseguro (88) NS (98) NR FEARP4b. ¿Considera usted que vivir en el municipio de [NOMBRE DEL MUNICIPIO] es:[LEER ALTERNATIVAS]? (1) Muy seguro (2) Algo seguro(3) Algo inseguro(4) Muy inseguro (88) NS (98) NR FEARP4c. ¿Hasta qué grado usted y su familia se sienten amenazados por los problemas de criminalidad y violencia que afectan a su barrio? Diria ustes que se sienten [LEER ALTERNATIVAS]? (1) Seriamente amenzadaos (2) Algo amenazados (3) Poco amenzados(4) Nada amenzados (88) NS (98) NR FEARP4d.¿Por temor a ser víctima de algún delito en los últimos 12 meses ¿Ha dejado usted de realizar actividades que antes hacía? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR PESE0. En su opinión, este barrio¿es una comunidad muy segura, algo segura, algo insegura, o muy insegura? (1) Muy segura (2) Algo segura (3) Algo insegura (4) Muy insegura (88) NS (98) NR Mayor Igual Menor NS NR PESE1. ¿Considera usted que el nivel de violencia actual en este barrio es mayor, igual, o menor que el de otras 1 2 3 88 98 Para protegerse de la delincuencia, en los últimos 12 meses, ¿usted realizó algún tipo de medida como... Sí No NS NR FEAR10.¿Evitó pasar por algunos lugares en este barrio porque pueden ser peligrosos? 1 2 88 98 FEAR11.¿Tomó medidas conjuntas con sus vecinos para protegerse de la delincuencia? 1 2 88 98 FEAR13. ¿Pidió ayuda a la policía? 1 2 88 98 FEAR14.¿Pidió ayuda a la municipalidad? 1 2 88 98 FEAR15.¿Construyó muros, rejas o paredes exteriores adicionales en su casa? 1 2 88 98 FEAR16.¿Puso alambre de púas, “razor”, malla electrificada o vidrio roto alrededor de su casa? 1 2 88 98 FEAR17.¿Puso más candados o chapas a las puertas de su casa? 1 2 88 98 FEAR21.¿Adquirió o compró un arma de fuego? 1 2 88 98 FEAR22. ¿Ha sentido usted la necesidad de cambiar de barrio o colonia por temor a la delincuencia? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 141 colonias o barrios en este municipio? PESE2.¿Considera usted que el nivel de violencia actual en este barrio es mayor, igual, o menor que el de hace 12 meses? 1 2 3 88 98 Ahora voy a leerle una lista de situaciones que pueden o no ser problema en algunos barrios. Por favor dígame si las siguientes situaciones son un problema muy serio, algo serio, poco serio, nada serio o no son un problema en este barrio. [Repita después cada pregunta “es esto un problema muy serio, algo serio, poco serio, nada serio o no es un problema” para ayudar al entrevistado] Muy serio Algo serio Poco serio Nada Serio No es un problema NS NR DISO1. Manchas o graffiti en los muros de este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO3. Casas abandonadas en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO4. Basura en lascalles de este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO5. Predios baldíos con montes altos en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO6. Calles o lugares oscuros o sin iluminación en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO7. Jóvenes o niños en las calles sin hacer nada, que andan vagando en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO8. Jóvenes o niños que viven con este barrio las pandillas o maras 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO9. Ataques o daños intencionales a la propiedad privada en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO10. Venta o tráfico de drogas ilegales en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO11. Gente peleando y discutiendo en la calle de este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO13. Gente borracha o ebria en las calles de este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO14. Gente drogada en las calles de este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO15. Robo a viviendas en este barrio. 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO16. Asaltos a las personas cuando caminan por la calle de este barrio. 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO17. Balaceras en este barrio. 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 DISO18. Riñas o peleas de pandillas o maras en este barrio 1 2 3 4 5 88 98 Ahora para cada una de las siguientes frases, por favor dígame si es muy probable, algo probable, poco probable o nada probable que la gente en su barrio pueda actuar del siguiente modo: Muy probable Algo probable Poco probable Nada probable NS NR ICON1. Si un grupo de niños del vecindario estuviera faltando a la escuela y vagando en las calles, ¿qué tan probable es que sus vecinos hagan algo al respecto? 1 2 3 4 88 98 ICON2. Si algunos niños estuvieran manchando las paredes del vecindario, ¿qué tan probable es que sus vecinos hagan algo al respecto? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Pasando a otro tema y hablando de cosas que le pueden suceder a uno en el país… Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 142 VIC1EXT.¿Ha sido usted víctima de algún acto de delincuencia en los últimos 12 meses? Es decir, ¿ha sido usted víctima de un robo, hurto, agresión, fraude, chantaje, extorsión, amenazas o algún otro tipo de acto delincuencial en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí [Siga] (2) No [Pasar a VIC1HOGAR] (88) NS [Pasar a VIC1HOGAR] (98) NR[Pasar a VIC1HOGAR] VIC2. Pensando en el último acto delincuencial del cual usted fue víctima, de la lista que le voy a leer,¿qué tipo de acto delincuencial sufrió? [Leer alternativas] (01) Robo sin arma sin agresión o amenaza física (02) Robo sin arma con agresión o amenaza física (03) Robo con arma (04) Agresión física sin robo (05) Violación o asalto sexual (06) Secuestro (07) Daño a la propiedad (08) Robo en la casa (10) Extorsión [o alguien le sobornó] (11) Estafa (12) Otro (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP (no fue víctima) VIC2B. La última vez que fue víctima de la delincuencia, el o los atacantes eran: (1) Un extraño o un grupo de extraños (2) Personas de otras comunidades en el municipio (3) Vecinos (4) Amigos cercanos a usted o su familia (5) Miembros de su hogar (6) Otros parientes (7) No vio (8) Policías (9) Militares (10) Miembros de pandillas o bandas de la zona (11) Miembros de un cartel de droga (88) No sabe (98) No responde (99) INAP AOJ1. ¿La última vez que fue víctima de un acto de delicuencia, denunció el hecho a alguna institución? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR (99) Inap (no víctima) VIC1HOGAR. ¿Alguna otra persona que vive en su hogar ha sido víctima de algún acto de delincuencia en los últimos 12 meses? Es decir, ¿alguna otra persona que vive en su hogar ha sido víctima de un robo, hurto, agresión, fraude, chantaje, extorsión, amenazas o algún otro tipo de acto delincuencial en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98)NR VIC1HOGARb. ¿Conoce usted a algún joven que pertenezca a una pandilla? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98)NR Ahora hablando de su comunidad o barrio… Teniendo en cuenta su experiencia o lo que ha oído mencionar, ¿cuáles de los siguientes actos de delincuencia han occurrido en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? Sí [Pasar a VICBA RXA] No NS N R VICBARXA¿Cúantas veces occurió eso? (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP VICBAR1. Han ocurrido robos en los últimos 12 meses en este 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ma Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 143 barrio? s (88) (98) (99) VICBAR2. Han ocurrido daños a la propiedad privada en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ma s (88) (98) (99) VICBAR3. Han ocurrido ventas de drogas ilegales en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) VICBAR4. Han ocurrido extorsiones o cobro de derecho de piso en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) VICBAR5. Han ocurrido violaciones sexuales en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) VICBAR8. Han ocurrido balaceras en los últimos 12 meses en [este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) VICBAR6. Han ocurrido secuestros en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) VICBAR7. Han ocurrido asesinatos en los últimos 12 meses en este barrio? 1 2 88 98 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mas (88) (98) (99) [Entrevistador: si la respuesta, en el literal A, es NO, NS, o NR, marcar y pasar a la siguiente; si la respuesta es Sí continuar con los literales B hasta F; las celdas en gris o negro indican que las preguntas de ese literal no se hace y se pasa al siguiente literal] En los últimos 12 meses, le ha occurrido a usted o a alguien que vive en su hogar lo siguiente: A. (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98)NR (99) B. ¿Cuánta s veces ocurrió esto en los últimos 12 meses? [Leer opcione s] (1) Una vez (2) Dos veces (3) Tres C. La última vez que esto pasó,¿dónde ocurrió el hecho? [Leer opciones] (1) En su hogar (2) En este barrio o comunidad (3) En este municipio (4) En otro municipio (5) Fuera del Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 144 INAP veces (4) Más de tres veces (88) NS (98)NR (99) INAP país (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP VIC70. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿alguien entró a robar algo en su casa, que no sea un vehículo? VIC72. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿a usted o a alguien que vive en su hogar le robaron algún objeto dejado dentro de su vehículo o alguna parte de su vehículo? [(99) INAP No tienen vehículo] VIC71. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿a usted o alguien que vive en su hogar le robaron el vehículo o una moto? [(99) INAP No tienen vehículo] VIC73. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿a usted o alguien que vive en su hogar le robaron algo estando fuera de su casa? VIC74. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿alguien deliberadamente destruyó o dañó su casa, negocio o cualquier propiedad suya o de alguien que vive en su hogar? VIC75. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿a usted o alguien que vive en su hogar le atacaron a golpes sin que le robaran algo? VIC78. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿a usted o alguien que vive en su hogar lo han tocado o atacado por motivos sexuales de un modo ofensivo? VIC79. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿ha sido usted o alguien que vive en su hogar víctima de alguna estafa? VIC80. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿ha sido usted o alguien que vive en su hogar víctima de un chantaje, extorsión o renta? VIC81. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿ha sido usted o alguien que vive en su hogar víctima de un secuestro o un secuestro exprés? VIC82. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿alguien que vivía en su hogar fue asesinado? AOJ8. Para poder capturar delincuentes, ¿cree usted que las autoridades siempre deben respetar las leyes o en ocasiones pueden actuar al margen de la ley? (1) Deben respetar las leyes siempre (2) En ocasiones pueden actuar al margen de la ley (88)NS (98) NR AOJ12. Si usted fuera víctima de un robo o asalto, ¿cuánto confiaría en que el sistema judicial castigaría al culpable? Confiaría…[LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Mucho (2) Algo (3) Poco (4) Nada (8) NS/NR Ahora vamos a hablar de su municipio... NP1. ¿Ha asistido a una sesión de cabildo abierto o una sesión municipal durante los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88)NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 145 SGL1. ¿Diría usted que los servicios que el municipio está dando a la gente son: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Muy buenos (2) Buenos (3) Ni buenos ni malos (regulares) (4) Malos (5) Muy malos (pésimos) (88)NS (98) NR NICMUNI6. ¿Qué grado de confianza tiene usted en el buen manejo de los fondos por parte de la alcaldía? [Leer alternativas] (3) Mucha confianza (2) Algo de confianza (1) Poca confianza (0) Nada de confianza (88) NS (98) NR [ENTREGAR TARJETA “E”] En esta tarjeta hay una escalera con gradas numeradas del uno al siete, en la cual el 1 es la grada más baja y significa NADA y el 7 es la grada más alta y significa MUCHO. Por ejemplo, si yo le preguntara hasta qué punto le gusta ver televisión, si a usted no le gusta ver nada, elegiría un puntaje de 1.Si por el contrario le gusta ver mucha televisión me diría el número 7. Si su opinión está entre nada y mucho elegiría un puntaje intermedio. ¿Entonces, hasta qué punto le gusta a usted ver televisión? Léame el número.[ASEGÚRESE QUE EL ENTREVISTADO ENTIENDA CORRECTAMENTE]. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 NS=88 NR=98 Nada Mucho Anotar el número, 1-7, NS=88, NR=98 Voy a hacerle una serie de preguntas, y le voy a pedir que para darme su respuesta utilice los números de esta escalera. Recuerde que puede usar cualquier número. B1. ¿Hasta qué punto cree usted que los tribunales de justicia de Honduras Mexicogarantizan un juicio justo? (Sondee:Si usted cree que los tribunales no garantizan paranada la justicia, escoja el número 1; si cree que los tribunales garantizan mucho la justicia escoja el número 7 o escoja un puntaje intermedio ) B2. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene usted respeto por las instituciones políticas de Mexico? B3. ¿Hasta qué punto cree usted que los derechos básicos del ciudadano están bien protegidos por el sistema político mexicano? B4. ¿Hasta qué punto se siente usted orgulloso de vivir bajo el sistema político mexicano? B6. ¿Hasta qué punto piensa usted que se debe apoyar al sistema político mexicano? B10A. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza en el sistema de justicia? B12. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en las Fuerzas Armadas? B13. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en la Congreso Nacional? B14. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en el Gobierno Federal? B18. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en la Policía? B20. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en la Iglesia Católica? B20A. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en la Iglesia Protestante? B21. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en los partidos políticos? B21A. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene confianza usted en el presidente? B31.Hasta qué punto tiene usted confianza en la Suprema Corte de Justicia? B32. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene usted confianza en su municipio? B43. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene usted orgullo de ser mexicano(a)? B60. ¿Hasta qué punto tiene usted confianza en el Comité Municipal de Seguridad? B62. ¿Hasta qué punto se siente usted orgulloso de vivir en este barrio? Usando la misma escalera NADA 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 MUCHO Anotar 1-7, NS=88 NR=98 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 146 Usando la misma escalera NADA 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 MUCHO Anotar 1-7, NS=88 NR=98 N11. ¿Hasta qué punto diría que el gobierno actual mejora la seguridad ciudadana? N15. ¿Hasta qué punto diría que el gobierno actual está manejando bien la economía? N16. Y ahora hablando de su municipio,¿hasta qué punto diría que el gobierno municipal actual mejora la seguridad ciudadana? SOCO9.Y ahora hablando de este barrio ¿hasta qué punto diría que los vecinos de este barrio están organizados para prevenir la delincuencia y la violencia? [Recoger tarjeta “E”] M1. Y hablando en general del gobierno actual, ¿diría usted que el trabajo que está realizando el Enrique Peña Nieto es...?: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Muy bueno (2) Bueno (3) Ni bueno, ni malo (regular) (4) Malo (5) Muy malo (pésimo) (88)NS (98) NR POLE2. En general, ¿usted diría que está muy satisfecho(a), satisfecho(a), insatisfecho(a) o muy insatisfecho(a) con el trabajo realizado por la Policía en este barrio [Leer alternativas] (1) Muy satisfecho (2) Satisfecho (3) Insatisfecho (4) Muy insatisfecho (7) [espontánea no leer]La policia no está haciendo nada (88)NS (98) NR ICO2.¿Con qué frecuencia la policía patrulla en este barrio? Usted diría: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Varias veces al día (2) Al menos una vez al día (3) Algunas veces por semana (4) Algunas veces por mes (5) Rara vez (6) Nunca (88) NS(98) NR En los últimos 12 meses, cuáles de las siguientes actividades ha visto a la Policía hacer en este barrio SÍ No NS NR CPOL2.Asistir a reuniones de vecinos de este barrio 1 2 88 98 CPOL3. Ha visto a la Policía ayudar a realizar actividades de prevención de la delincuencia en este barrio 1 2 88 98 CPOL4. Relacionarse con los niños y jóvenes de este barrio a través de actividades recreativas y escolares 1 2 88 98 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 147 [ENTREGAR TARJETA “G”] Ahora, vamos a usar una escalera similar a la anterior, pero el número 1 representa “muy en desacuerdo” y el número 7 representa “muy de acuerdo”. Un número entre el 1 y el 7, representa un puntaje intermedio.Anotar Número 1-7, 88 para los que NS y 98 para los NR 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 NS NS Muy en desacuerdo Muy de acuerdo 88 98 Anotar Número 1-7, NS=88, NR=98 ING4. Puede que la democracia tenga problemas, pero es mejor que cualquier otra forma de gobierno. ¿Hasta qué punto está de acuerdo o en desacuerdo con esta frase? [Recoger tarjeta “G”] [ENTRÉGUELE AL ENTREVISTADO LA TARJETA “H”] Ahora vamos a cambiar a otra tarjeta. Esta nueva tarjeta tiene una escaleradel 1 a 10, el 1 indica que usted desaprueba firmemente y el 10 indica que usted aprueba firmemente. Voy a leerle una lista de algunas acciones o cosas que las personas pueden hacer para alcanzar sus metas y objetivos políticos. Quisiera que me dijera con qué firmeza usted aprobaría o desaprobaría que las personas hagan las siguientes acciones. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 NS NR Desaprueba firmemente Aprueba firmemente 88 98 1-10, 88, 98 E5. Que las personas participen en manifestaciones permitidas por la ley. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E8. Que las personas participen en una organización o grupo para tratar de resolver los problemas de las comunidades. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E11. Que las personas trabajen en campañas electorales para un partido político o candidato. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E15. Que las personas participen en un cierre o bloqueo de calles o carreteras como forma de protesta. Usando la misma escala, ¿hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E14.Que las personas invadan propiedades o terrenos privados como forma de protesta. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E2. Que las personas ocupen (invadan) fábricas, oficinas y otros edificios como forma de protesta. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E3. Que las personas participen en un grupo que quiera derrocar por medios violentos a un gobierno electo. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? E16. Que las personas hagan justicia por su propia cuenta cuando el Estado no castiga a los criminales. ¿Hasta qué punto aprueba o desaprueba? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 148 . Las preguntas que siguen son para saber su opinión sobre las diferentes ideas que tienen las personas que viven en Mexico. Por favor continúe usando la escalera de 10 puntos 1-10, NS=88, NR=98 D1. Hay personas que siempre hablan mal de la forma de gobierno deMexico, no sólo del gobierno de turno, sino del sistema de gobierno, ¿con qué firmeza aprueba o desaprueba usted el derecho de votar de esas personas? Por favor léame el número de la escala: [Sondee: ¿Hasta qué punto?] D2. ¿Con qué firmeza aprueba o desaprueba usted que éstas personas puedan llevar a cabo manifestaciones pacíficas con el propósito de expresar sus puntos de vista? Por favor léame el número. D3. Siempre pensando en los que hablan mal de la forma de gobierno de Mexico. ¿Con qué firmeza aprueba o desaprueba usted que estas personas puedan postularse para cargos públicos? D4. ¿Con qué firmeza aprueba o desaprueba usted que estas personas salgan en la televisión para dar un discurso? D5. Y ahora, cambiando el tema, y pensando en los homosexuales. ¿con qué firmeza aprueba o desaprueba que estas personas puedan postularse para cargos públicos? [Recoger tarjeta “H”] AUT1. Hay gente que dice que necesitamos un líder fuerte que no tenga que ser electo a través del voto popular. Otros dicen que, aunque las cosas no funcionen, la democracia electoral, o sea el voto popular, es siempre lo mejor. ¿Qué piensa usted? [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Necesitamos un líder fuerte que no tenga que ser electo, o (2) La democracia electoral es lo mejor (88) NS (98) NR Ahora queremos hablar de su experiencia personal con cosas que pasan en la vida... INAP No trató o tuvo contacto No Sí NS NR EXC2. ¿Algún agente de policía le pidió una mordida enlos últimos 12 meses 0 1 88 98 EXC6. ¿En los últimos 12 meses, ¿algún empleado público le ha solicitado una mordida? 0 1 88 98 EXC11. ¿Ha tramitado algo enel municipio dónde vive en los últimos12 meses? No  Marcar 9 Sí  Preguntar: Para tramitar algo en el municipio, como un permiso, por ejemplo, durante el último año, ¿ha tenido que pagar alguna suma además de lo exigido por la ley? 9 0 1 88 98 VB1. ¿Está usted empadronado? [SOLO SI NO COMPRENDE PREGUNTE: ¿Tiene credencial para votar?] (1) Sí (2) No (3) En trámite (88) NS (98) NR EXC7. Teniendo en cuenta su experiencia o lo que ha oído mencionar, ¿la corrupción de los funcionarios públicos en el país está: [LEER] (1) Muy generalizada (2) Algo generalizada (3) Poco generalizada (4) Nada generalizada (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 149 VB2. ¿Votó usted en las últimas elecciones presidenciales del 1º de julio de 2012 (1) Sí votó [Siga] (2) No votó [Pasar a VB3B] (88) NS [Pasar a VB3B] (98) NR [Pasar a VB3B] VB3. ¿Por quién votó para Presidente en las últimas elecciones presidenciales de 2012? [NO LEER LISTA] (00) Ninguno (fue a votar pero dejó la boleta en blanco o anuló su voto) (501) Josefina Vázquez Mota, PAN (502) Enrique Peña Nieto, PRI – PVEM (503) Andrés Manuel López Obrador, PRD– PT – Movimiento Ciudadano (504) Gabriel Ricardo Quadri de la Torre - PANAL (77) Otro (88) NS (98) NR (99) Inap (No votó) VB3B. ¿Por cual partido político votó en las últimas elecciones para elegir presidente municipal? [NO LEER LISTA] (00) Ninguno (fue a votar pero dejó la boleta en blanco o anuló su voto) (1) PAN (2) PRI (3) PRD (4) PVEM (5) PANAL (6) PT (7) MOVIMIENTO CIUDADANO (77) Otro (88) NS (98) NR (99) Inap (No votó) PROT3. En los últimos 12 meses,¿ha participado en una manifestación o protesta pública? (1) Sí ha participado [Siga] (2) No ha participado [Pase a SOCT1] (88) NS [Pase a SOCT1] (98) NR [Pase a SOCT1] PROT4. ¿Cuántas veces ha participado en una manifestación o protesta pública en los últimos 12 meses? ______________________ (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP SOCT1. Ahora, hablando de la economía… ¿Cómo calificaría la situación económica del país? ¿Diría usted que es muy buena, buena, ni buena ni mala, mala o muy mala? (1) Muy buena (2) Buena (3) Ni buena, ni mala (regular) (4) Mala (5) Muy mala (pésima) (88) NS (98) NR SOCT2. ¿Considera usted que la situación económica actual del país es mejor, igual o peor que hace doce meses? (1) Mejor (2) Igual (3) Peor (88) NS (98) NR IDIO1. ¿Cómo calificaría en general su situación económica? ¿Diría usted que es muy buena, buena, ni buena ni mala, mala o muy mala? (1) Muy buena (2) Buena (3) Ni buena, ni mala (regular) (4) Mala (5) Muy mala (pésima) (88) NS (98) NR IDIO2. ¿Considera usted que su situación económica actual es mejor, igual o peor que la de hace doce meses? (1) Mejor (2) Igual (3) Peor (88) NS (98) NR POL1. ¿Qué tanto interés tiene usted en la política:mucho, algo, poco o nada? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 150 (1) Mucho (2) Algo (3) Poco (4) Nada (88) NS (98) NR Por propósitos estadísticos, ahora queremos saber cuánta información sobre política y sobre el país tiene la gente… GI0. ¿Con qué frecuencia sigue las noticias, ya sea en la televisión, la radio, los periódicos, o el internet? [Leer opciones]: (1) A diario (2) Algunas veces por semana (3) Algunas veces por mes (4) Rara vez (5) Nunca (88) NS (98) NR Cambiando de tema... ¿Alguna vez se ha sentido discriminado o tratado de manera injusta por… [Repetir después de cada pregunta: muchas veces, algunas veces, pocas veces, o nunca] Mucha s veces Algunas veces Poca s veces Nunca NS NR DIS11.Su color de piel, usted diría que eso ha sucedido muchas veces, algunas veces, pocas veces, o nunca? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS12. Por su sexo? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS13. Por su condición económica? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS17. Por su manera de hablar o acento? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS14. Por su apariencia física? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS15. Por su orientación sexual? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS16. El lugar donde vive? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS17. Por su forma de vestir? 1 2 3 4 88 98 DIS18. Por alguna otra razón? 1 2 3 4 88 98 Ahora, cambiando de tema… SEG6. ¿Ha visto u oído que alguna institución haya realizado alguna actividad de apoyo dirigidas a los jóvenes de este barrio en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No [Pase a SEG2](88) NS (98) NR [Pase a SEG2] SEG6a. Conoce o sabe de alguien de este barrio que haya participado de estas actividades en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR SEG2. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿ha visto u oído que alguna institución haya realizado obras públicas en este barrio, tales como mejoramiento del alumbrado público, actividades de limpieza o construcción o reparación de calles, canchas, o parques? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR Sí No NS NR Inap CP30. ¿En este barrio hay espacios o lugares donde los vecinos puedan reunirse? 1 0 88 98 99 CP21. ¿Hay una asociaciónde vecinos en este barrio? [Si la respuesta es NO, pase a CP26] 1 0 88 98 CP22. ¿Es usted miembro de esa asociación de vecinos o patronato? 1 0 88 98 99 CP23. En los últimos tres meses, ¿ha asistido usted a una reunión convocada por la asociación de vecinos, o patronato? 1 0 88 98 99 CP24. En los últimos tres meses, ¿ha realizado usted trabajo voluntario para esa asociación o junta directiva? [Si la respuesta es SI Pase a CP5] 1 0 88 98 99 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 151 Sí No NS NR Inap CP25. En los últimos tres meses, ¿ha promovido la asociación de vecinos de este barrio actividades para prevenir la delincuencia, tales como tomar medidas de seguridad para el vecindario u otras actividades? 1 0 88 98 99 CP26. ¿Hay alguna otra asociación o institución que esté promoviendo programas para la prevención de la delicuencia en este barrio? 1 0 88 98 99 Una vez a la seman a Una o dos veces al mes Una o dos veces al año Nunc a NS NR CP5. ¿ Y en los últimos doce meses ha contribuido para ayudar a solucionar algún problema de su comunidad o de los vecinos de su barrio o colonia? Por favor, dígame si lo hizo por lo menos una vez a la semana, una o dos veces al mes, una o dos veces al año, o nunca en los últimos 12 meses. (1) (2) (3) (4) (88 ) (98) CP5A. ¿Ha donado Ud. dinero o materiales para ayudar a solucionar algún problema de la comunidad o de su barrio? 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP5B. ¿Ha contribuido Ud. con su propio trabajo o mano de obra? 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP5C. ¿Ha estado asistiendo Ud. a reuniones comunitarias sobre algún problema o sobre alguna mejora? 1 2 3 4 88 98 CP5D. ¿Ha tratado de ayudar Ud. a organizar algún grupo nuevo para resolver algún problema del barrio, o para buscar alguna mejora? 1 2 3 4 88 98 SEG3. Comparando la situación actual de esta comunidad con la de hace 12 meses, ¿cree usted que los vecinos de este barrio colaboran más, lo mismo, o menos para resolver los problemas de la comunidad? (1) Colaboran más (2) Colaboran lo mismo (3) Colaboran menos (88) NS (98) NR Ahora, cambiando de tema, para cada una de estas frases, por favor dígame si usted está muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo. [Repita después de cada pregunta “muy de acuerdo, de acuerdo, en desacuerdo, o muy en desacuerdo” para ayudar al entrevistado] Muy de acuerdo De acuerdo En desacuerdo Muy en desacuerdo NS NR EMP1.Usted sabe que puede hacer una diferencia y contribuir en la mejora dela colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 COM1. Se siente responsable de participar en actividades de mejoramiento de la colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 152 COM2. Está involucrado y participa de las actividades que se organizan en su colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 EMP2. Sabe cómo trabajar con otros para resolver problemas de su colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 EMP3.Sabe que tiene la capacidad de mejorar cosas en esta colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 COM3.Tiene el deseo de participar más activamente en los proyectos de mejoramiento delacolonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 EMP5. No tiene la capacidad de cambiar las cosas que no le gustan de su colonia 1 2 3 4 88 98 EMP7.1.Ahora le preguntaré sobre alguna actividad en el barrio o decisión que usted y sus vecinos hayan tomado y que haya beneficiado al barrio o colonia, como por ejemplo, mejorar un espacio verde o vigilar la seguridad del barrio. ¿Podría identificar una actividad en el barrio o decisión importante que los vecinos de este barrio hayan realizado en los últimos 6 meses? [A anotar SI o NO dependiendo si el entrevistado puede o no describir una actividad en el barrio o decisión que el y sus vecinos tomaron] Sí (1) No[Pase a ED] (0) NS/NR (99) EMP7.2. ¿Fue fácil para usted y sus vecinos realizar esta actividad en el barrio o tomar esa decisión? (1) (0) NS/NR (99) EMP7.3. En su opinión ¿La actividad en el barrio que realizaron o la decisión que se tomó benefició al barrio? (1) (0) NS/NR (99) EMP7a. Podría decirme quién o quienes tomaron la iniciativa de realizar esta actividad en el barrio o tomaron esta decision? [No leer lista] (1) Los líderes del patronato (2) Los vecinos del barrio (3) La municipalidad (4) Otra organización (ONG, iglesia, escuelas) (88) NS (98) NR EMP7b. Ahora, podría decirme por qué motivo realizaron esta actividad en el barrio o se tomó la decisión? [No leer lista] (1) Para mejorar la seguridad del barrio (prevenir robos, tráfico de drogas) (2) Para ayudar a un vecino, una escuela, un club o iglesia del barrio (3) Para mejorar la infraestructura del barrio (mejorarmiento de las plaza, calles, alumbrado etc.) (4) Para mejorar la economía del barrio (generar empleos, oportunidades de negocios) (5) Para mejorar la calidad de vida de los niños y jovenes del barrio (6) Otros motivos (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 153 ED. ¿Cuál fue el último año de educación que usted completó o aprobó? _____ Año de ___________________ (primaria, secundaria, universitaria, superior no universitaria) = ________ años total [Usar tabla a continuación para código] 10 20 30 40 50 60 Ninguno 0 Primaria 1 2 3 4 5 6 Secundaria 7 8 9 Bachillerato/Profesional Técnico/Media Superior 10 11 12 Universitaria 13 14 15 16 17 18+ Superior no universitaria 13 14 15 16 NS 88 NR 98 EDU1.¿Cuántos niños entre 6 y 17 años viven en esta casa? _______________ 0. Ninguno [Pase a SEG1] (NS=888, NR=988) [Pase a SEG1] EDU2.¿Cuántos de estos [Número de niños en EDU1]niños entre 6 y 17 años estudian o van a la escuela actualmente? _______________ 0. Ninguno (NS=888, NR=988, INAP=999) EDU3. ¿Cuántos de los [Número de niños en EDU2] niños entre 6 y 17 años que estudian participan regularmente en actividades extra escolares, es decir actividades después de clases o de la jornada escolar, como por ejemplo actividades culturales o deportivas?_______________ 0. Ninguno (NS=888, NR=988) INAP=999 EDU4.¿Cuántos niños entre 10 y 17 años viven en esta casa? _______________ 0. Ninguno [Pase a SEG1] (NS=888, NR=988) [Pase a SEG1] EDU2a.¿Cuántos de los niños entre 10 y 17 años que viven en esta casa, no estudian ni trabajan? ....................... 0.Ninguno (88) NS (98) NR Hablando de los niños y jóvenes de entre 10 y 17 años que viven en su hogar TIEM1.¿Podría decirle que hacen principalmente estos jóvenes en su tiempo libre? [No leer lista] (1) Escuchan música, ven televisión o usan la computadora (2) Están en su casa o en la casa de algún amigo (3) Están en la calle con sus amigos (4) Practican algún deporte o realizan alguna actividad cultural( tocar un instrumento, clases de dibujo, música, teatro, manualidades) (5) Otras actividades (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 154 SEG1. En los últimos 12 meses, ¿Ha visto u oído que alguna institución haya realizado actividades dirigidas a los jóvenes de este barrio para que usen mejor su tiempo libre? (1) Si [Si EDU1=0 pase a PROB1] (2) No [Pase a PROB1] (88) NS (98) NR SEG1a. ¿Cuántos de los niños y jóvenes de entre 10 y 17 años de su hogar han participado de estas actividades? _______________ 0. Ninguno (99) No hay niños entre 10 y 17 años en el hogar (88) NS (98) NR [PARA todas las personas] PROB1. Según su opinión, ¿Cuál cree que es problema más importante que afecta actualmente a los jóvenes de este barrio? [Leer opciones] (1) La falta de oportunidades para acceder a empleos (2) La delincuencia/el pandillaje y la violencia (3) El consumo excesivo de alcohol y drogas (4) La falta de educación o capacitación para trabajar (5) La falta de motivación de los jóvenes (6) Los embarazos de adolescentes (7) Otros problemas [ (88) NS (98) NR Ahora cambiando de tema, DEL1.Conoce o se enteró de algún jóven de este barrio que haya participado en algún delito en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR DEL2. Conoce o se enteró de algún joven de este barrio que haya consumido drogas en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR DEL3. Conoce o se enteró de algún joven de este barrio que haya consumido alcohol en exceso en los últimos 12 meses? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR Ahora, hablando de usted… Q2. ¿Cuál es su edad en años cumplidos? __________ años (NS=888, NR=988) Q3C. Si usted es de alguna religión, ¿podría decirme cuál es su religión? [NO LEER OPCIONES] (01) Católico (02) Protestante, Protestante Tradicional o Protestante no Evangélico (Cristiano, Calvinista; Luterano; Metodista; Presbiteriano; Discípulo de Cristo; Anglicano; Episcopaliano; Iglesia Morava). (03) Religiones Orientales no Cristianas (Islam; Budista; Hinduista; Taoísta; Confucianismo; Baha’i). (04) Ninguna (Cree en un Ser Superior pero no pertenece a ninguna religión) (05) Evangélica y Pentecostal (Evangélico, Pentecostal; Iglesia de Dios; Asambleas de Dios; Iglesia Universal del Reino de Dios; Iglesia Cuadrangular; Iglesia de Cristo; Congregación Cristiana; Menonita; Hermanos de Cristo; Iglesia Cristiana Reformada; Carismático no Católico; Luz del Mundo; Bautista; Iglesia del Nazareno; Ejército de Salvación; Adventista; Adventista del Séptimo Día, Sara Nossa Terra). (06) Iglesia de los Santos de los Últimos Días (Mormones) y Testigos de Jehová. (07) Religiones Tradicionales (Candomblé, Vodou, Rastafari, Religiones Mayas, Umbanda; María Lonza; Inti, Kardecista, Santo Daime, Esoterica). (10) Judío (Ortodoxo, Conservador o Reformado) Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 155 (11) Agnóstico o ateo (no cree en Dios) (88) NS (98) NR [ENTREGAR TARJETA “I”] Q10NEW. ¿En cuál de los siguientes rangos se encuentran los ingresos familiares mensuales de este hogar, incluyendo las remesas del exterior y el ingreso de todos los adultos e hijos que trabajan? [Si no entiende, pregunte: ¿Cuánto dinero entra en total a su casa al mes?] (00) Ningún ingreso (01) Menos de $480 (02) Entre $480 - $720 (03) Entre $721 - $960 (04) Entre $961 - $1,440 (05) Entre $1,441 - $2,150 (06) Entre $2,151 - $2,870 (07) Entre $2,871 - $3,590 (08) Entre $3,591 - $4,310 (09) Entre $4,311 - $6,460 (10) Entre $6,461 - $7,180 (11) Entre $7,181 - $8,610 (12) Entre $8,611 - $10,050 (13) Entre $10,051 - $11,490 (14) Entre $11,491 - $12,920 (15) Entre $12,921 - $14,360 (16) Más de $14,360 (88) NS (98) NR[RECOGER TARJETA “I”] Q10A. ¿Usted o alguien que vive en su casa recibe remesas , es decir, ayuda económica del exterior? (1) Sí [Siga] (2) No [Pase a Q14](88) NS[Pase a Q14] (98) NR [Pase a Q14] Q10B. [Sólo si recibe remesas] ¿Hasta qué punto dependen los ingresos familiares de esta casa de las remesas del exterior? [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Mucho (2) Algo (3) Poco (4) Nada (88) NS (98) NR (99) Inap Q14. ¿Tiene usted intenciones de irse a vivir o a trabajar a otro país en los próximos tres años? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR Q10D. El salario o sueldo que usted recibe y el total del ingreso familiar: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Les alcanza bien y pueden ahorrar (2) Les alcanza justo sin grandes dificultades (3) No les alcanza y tienen dificultades (4) No les alcanza y tienen grandes dificultades (88) [No leer] NS (98) [No leer] NR Q11. ¿Cuál es su estado civil? [NO LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Soltero (2) Casado (3) Unión libre (acompañado) (4) Divorciado (5) Separado (6) Viudo (88) NS (98) NR Q12. ¿Tiene hijos(as)? ¿Cuántos? _________ (00= ninguno) NS=88 NR=98 PER1. ¿Cuántas personas incluyendo recién nacidos, niños y adultos viven habitualmente en este hogar? __________ Anotar Número (NS=888, NR=988) Para finalizar, podría decirme si en su casa tienen:[LEER ALTERNATIVAS] R1. Televisor (0) No (1) Sí Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 156 R3. Refrigeradora (nevera) (0) No (1) Sí R4. Teléfono convencional /fijo (no celular) (0) No (1) Sí R4A. Teléfono celular (0) No (1) Sí R5. Vehículo. ¿Cuántos? (0) No (1) Uno (2) Dos (3) Tres o más R6. Lavadora de ropa (0) No (1) Sí R7. Microondas (0) No (1) Sí R8. Motocicleta (0) No (1) Sí R12. Agua potable dentro de la casa (0) No (1) Sí R14. Cuarto de baño dentro de la casa (0) No (1) Sí R19. Ducha para agua caliente (0) No (1) Sí R15. Computadora (0) No (1) Sí R16. Televisor de pantalla plana (0) No (1) Sí R18. Servicio de internet (0) No (1) Sí OCUP4A. ¿A qué se dedica usted principalmente? ¿Está usted actualmente: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) ¿Trabajando? [Siga] (2) ¿No está trabajando en este momento pero tiene trabajo? [Siga] (3) ¿Está buscando trabajo activamente? [TERMINA] (4) ¿Es estudiante? [TERMINA] (5) ¿Se dedica a los quehaceres de su hogar? [TERMINA] (6) Está jubilado, pensionado o incapacitado permanentemente para trabajar? [TERMINA] (7) ¿No trabaja y no está buscando trabajo? [TERMINA] (8) Esta recibiendo entrenamiento a través de algún programa de capacitación? [TERMINA] (88) NS [TERMINA] (98) NR [TERMINA] OCUP1A. En su ocupación principal usted es: [Leer alternativas] (1) ¿Asalariado del gobierno o empresa estatal? (2) ¿Asalariado en el sector privado? (3) ¿Patrono o socio de empresa? (4) ¿Trabajador por cuenta propia? (5) ¿Trabajador no remunerado o sin pago? (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP OCUP1C. ¿Tiene seguro de salud o seguro social a través de su empresa o su empleador? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP Estas son todas las preguntas que tengo. Muchísimas gracias por su colaboración. HORA1. Hora de finalización: _____:_____AM PM Yo juro que esta entrevista fue llevada a cabo con la persona indicada. Firma del entrevistador__________________ Fecha ____ /_____ /_____ Firma del supervisor de campo _________________ Comentarios: ____________________________________________________________________________________ [No usar por PDA] Firma de la persona que digitó los datos __________________________________ [No usar por PDA] Firma de la persona que verificó los datos _______________________________ Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 157 Tarjeta “A” ¿En qué grada de la escalera se siente usted en estos momentos? 10 La mejor vida posible 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 La peor vida posible 0 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 158 Tarjeta “B” 10 Se puede confiar en la mayoría de las personas 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Hay que tener mucho cuidado cuando uno trata con otras personas 0 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 159 Tarjeta “C” 10 La mayoría de las personas tratan de ser serviciales 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 La mayoría de las personas solo se preocupan de sí mismas 0 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 160 Tarjeta “D” 10 La mayoría de las personas tratarían de ser justas con usted 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 La mayoría de las personas tratarían de aprovecharse de usted 0 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 161 Tarjeta “E” 7 Mucho 6 5 4 3 2 Nada 1 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 162 Tarjeta “G” 7 Muy de acuerdo 6 5 4 3 2 Muy en desacuerdo 1 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 163 Tarjeta “H” 10 Aprueba firmemente 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Desaprueba firmemente 1 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 164 Tarjeta “I” (00) Ningún ingreso (01) Menos de $480 (02) Entre $480 - $720 (03) Entre $721 - $960 (04) Entre $961 - $1,440 (05) Entre $1,441 - $2,150 (06) Entre $2,151 - $2,870 (07) Entre $2,871 - $3,590 (08) Entre $3,591 - $4,310 (09) Entre $4,311 - $6,460 (10) Entre $6,461 - $7,180 (11) Entre $7,181 - $8,610 (12) Entre $8,611 - $10,050 (13) Entre $10,051 - $11,490 (14) Entre $11,491 - $12,920 (15) Entre $12,921 - $14,360 (16) Más de $14,360 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 165 Appendix C: Systematic Observation Questionnaire LAPOP estudio de comunidades Observación Spanish Version #F IRB Approval Mexico, 2014.- Cuestionario de Observación Sistemática © Vanderbilt University 2014. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. PAIS. IDNUM. Número de cuestionario [asignado en la oficina]__________________ PROV. Ciudad (1) Cd. Juárez (2) Monterrey (3) Tijuana MUNICIPIO. Nombre del Municipio: (1) Cd. Juarez (2) Monterrey (3) Tijuana NOMBAR. Nombre del Barrio/ Colonia/Comunidad__________________________ BLOQUE. Número polígono MANZANA. Número de manzana CUADRA. Número de cuadra dentro de la manzana FECHA. Fecha de la entrevista día: ____ mes:_______ año: 2014 HORA. Hora de inicio: _____:_____A M PM ----------- - Apariencia física de la cuadra – LLENAR UNA HOJA POR CADA MANZANA SELECCIONADA EN LA MUESTRA Anotar el número de veces que observa lo siguiente en esta cuadra del barrio: Por cuadra nos referimos al lado de la manzana el cual se esta entrevistando. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 o más Total PHD1. Botaderos de basura al aire libre PHD2. Basura o cristales rotos tirados en la calle Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 166 o acera PHD6. Paradas de autobuses o microbuses en esta cuadra PHD7. Cervecerías o tiendas para la venta de alcohol en esta cuadra PHD9. Nightclubs/antros en esta cuadra PHD8. Graffiti o murales alusivos a pandillas PHD4. Graffiti o murales no alusivos a pandillas PHD5. Número de viviendas en esta cuadra que tienen defensas o barrotes de metal en las ventanas FPH1. Número de botellas/latas de licor o cerveza vacías tiradas en la calle o acera FPH2. Número de cajetillas o colillas de cigarro tiradas en la calle o acera FPH3. Número de carros u otros medios de transporte en mal estado abandonados FPH9. Número de predios baldíos con pasto altos o tiraderos Anotar el número de veces que observa lo siguiente en esta cuadra del barrio: FPH4. Número de casas abandonadas o saqueadas FPH5. Número de casas con cristales o ventanas rotas FPH6. Número de casas localizadas en sitios de riesgo de desastres naturales (en las cercanías de barrancos, ríos, zonas de deslizamientos). Anotar si observa o no lo siguiente en esta cuadra del barrio: Sí No FPH7.Presencia de aguas negras o residuales en las calles. 1 2 FPH8.Lugares que generen malos olores (mataderos, fábricas, letrinas). 1 2 FPH9. Alumbrado público o luz en la calle 1 2 FPH10. Sectores de la cuadra por los cuales los vecinos evitan al pasar 1 2 Material de la calle de la cuadra PHD3. Material de la calle en la cuadra 1. Pavimento o asfalto 2. Cemento 3. Adoquines 4. Tierra 5. Piedra 6. Grava 7. Observaciones de personas en la cuadra Anotar si observa o no lo siguiente en esta cuadra del barrio: Sí No DISO1. Personas discutiendo de una forma agresiva o violenta (hablando en un tono de voz muy alto, con enojo) 1 2 DISO2. Niños en la acera o calle sin la supervisión de un adulto 1 2 DISO3. Jóvenes en las calles sin hacer nada, vagando 1 2 DISO4. Presencia de jóvenes 1 2 Recursos de la cuadra Anotar si esta cuadra cuenta con los siguientes recursos: Sí No RESO1. Alumbrado eléctrico público 1 2 RESO2. Puesto de policía 1 2 RESO3. Parques o áreas recreativas 1 2 RESO4. Iglesia católica 1 2 RESO5. Iglesia evangélica/protestante 1 2 RESO6. Centro educativo público 1 2 RESO7. Centro educativo privado 1 2 RESO8. Guardería infantil 1 2 RESO9. Hospital o puesto de salud público 1 2 Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 167 con tatuajes en partes visibles del cuerpo DISO5. Mendigos o personas pidiendo dinero 1 2 DISO6. Personas prostituyéndose en la calle 1 2 DISO7. Personas en estado de ebriedad o bajo la influencia de drogas en la vía pública 1 2 RESO10. Clínica privada 1 2 RESO11. Casa comunal 1 2 RESO12. Casa de la cultura 1 2 RESO13. Otra oficina de una institución privada 1 2 RESO14. Otra oficina de una institución pública 1 2 RESO15. Cyber-café, Infocentro u otro establecimiento que provea servicios de Internet a la comunidad. 1 2 RESO16. Biblioteca pública 1 2 Observación final TRAT1. ¿Cómo le trataron las personas residentes en esta cuadra del barrio? (1) No había gente alrededor (2) No le pusieron mucha atención (3) Le trataron bien, lo saludaron (4) Le trataron con desconfianza (5) Le interrogaron de forma agresiva sobre lo que andaba haciendo Comentarios adicionales sobre el aspecto físico/recursos de la cuadra: POR FAVOR ANOTAR TODO OBSERVACION ADICIONAL NO CAPTURADA POR LAS PRGUNTAS DE ESTE FORMULARIO QUE PUEDAN SERVIR PARA DESCRIBIR EL CONTEXTO DE LA CUADRA ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________ Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 168 Appendix D: Household Questionnaire LAPOP estudio de comunidades Enumeration Spanish Version # 1 IRB Approval: 110627 Mexico, 2012 Cuestionario de enumeración (muestra de hogares) © Vanderbilt University 2012. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. SECCION I. LOCALIZACIÓN GEOGRÁFICA PAIS. IDNUM. Número de cuestionario [asignado en la oficina]__________________ PROV. Ciudad : (1) Cd. Juárez (2) Monterrey (3) Tijuana MUNICIPIO. Nombre municipio: (1) Cd. Juárez (2) Guadalupe (3) Monterrey (4) Tijuana NOMBAR. Nombre del Barrio/ Colonia/Comunidad____________________________________________________ BLOQUE. Número de Polígono MANZANA. Número de manzana CUADRA. Número de cuadra dentro de la manzana. _________________________________________________ NUMVIVI. NÚMERO DE LA VIVIENDA DENTRO DE LA CUADRA:______ NUMHOGAR.NÚMERO DEL HOGAR DENTRO DE LA VIVIENDA__________ FECHA. Fecha de la entrevista día: ____ mes:_______ año: 2011 Hora de inicio: _____:_____AM PM ------------ ATENCIÓN: ES UN REQUISITO LEER SIEMPRE LA HOJA DE CONSENTIMIENTO INFORMADO ANTES DE COMENZAR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 169 SECCION II. CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LA VIVIENDA VIV1. [No preguntar] La vivienda es: (1) Casa independiente (2) Casa en fila (3) En edificio (condominio o apartamento) (4) Pieza en casa (5) Pieza en mesón (6) Rancho o choza (7) Otra (vivienda móvil, carpa, etc.) (8) Comercial [TERMINA] VIV2. [No preguntar] La vivienda está: (1) Ocupada [Siga] (2) Desocupada, de uso ocasional [Termina] (3) Desocupada, en alquiler [Termina] (4) Desocupada, en venta [Termina] (5) Desocupada, en reparación o construcción [Termina] (6) Desocupada, por otra razón [Termina] [Para uso del entrevistador] Estado de la entrevista INT1A. Primer intento INT1B. Segundo intento INT1C. Tercer intento INT1D. Cuarto intento INT1E. Quinto intento Informante apto aceptó ser entrevistado 1 1 1 1 1 Nadie en casa 2 2 2 2 2 No hay personas mayores de 18 años presentes 3 3 3 3 3 Sólo empleada (o) doméstica o visitante presente 4 4 4 4 4 Informante no apto (mudo, enfermos mentales, borrachos, personas agresivas, etc.) 5 5 5 5 5 Informante no habla el idioma de la encuesta o es extranjero 6 6 6 6 6 Todos los habitantes son extranjeros [Terminar cuestionario] 7 7 7 7 7 Informante presente rehusó pero indicó que otro miembro del hogar puede ser entrevistado en otro momento 8 8 8 8 8 Nadie en el hogar quiso ser entrevistado 9 9 9 9 9 [Comenzar entrevista] VIV4. Para comenzar, me podría decir, ¿De qué material es la mayor parte de las paredes de la vivienda? [No leer alternativas] (1) Concreto,bloque, o ladrillos pegados con cemento (2) Bahareque, vara o caña (3) Adobe (4) Madera (5) Lámina metálica (6) Paja, palma u otro vegetal (7) Materiales reciclables o desechos (cartón, papel, etc.) (8) Otro (88) NS (98) NR VIV5. ¿De qué material es la mayor parte del techo de la vivienda? [No leer alternativas] (1) Plataforma de concreto o cemento Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 170 (2) Lámina de asbesto (3) Teja de barro (4) Lámina metálica o zinc (5) Paja, palma u otro vegetal (6) Materiales reciclables (7) Madera (8) Lamina de azulín (9) Otro (88) NS (98) NR VIV6. ¿De qué material es la mayor parte del piso? [Leer alternativas] (1) Cerámica (2) Ladrillo de cemento (3) Ladrillo de barro (4) Madera (5) Tierra (7) Otro (88) NS (98) NR VIV16. Esta vivienda se encuentra ubicada en una zona de riesgo como puede ser….[Leer alternativas] (1) En zona de hundimientos o deslizamientos de tierra (2) En zona inundable (3) Al pie o en la ladera de un cerro (4) Cerca o en la ribera de un río/lago/laguna/mar (5) Cerca de un basurero público (6) Otros (7) La vivienda no se encuentra en una zona de riesgo (88) NS (8) (98) NR Podría decirme si en esta vivienda tienen: [Leer todos] R1. Televisor (0) No (1) Sí R3. Refrigeradora (0) No (1) Sí R4. Teléfono convencional/fijo (no celular) (0) No (1) Sí R4A. Teléfono celular (0) No (1) Sí R5. Carro ¿Cuántos? (0) No (1) Uno (2) Dos (3) Tres o más R6. Lavadora de ropa (0) No (1) Sí R7. Microondas (0) No (1) Sí R8. Motocicleta (0) No (1) Sí R14. Cuarto de baño dentro de la casa (0) No (1) Sí R19. Ducha para agua caliente (0) No (1) Sí R15. Computadora (0) No (1) Sí R16. Televisor de pantalla plana (0) No (1) Sí R18. Servicio de internet (0) No (1) Sí HOG1. ¿Cuántas personas habitan en esta vivienda contando los niños pequeños, los ancianos, y otras personas que duermen aquí? [Anotar Número] ___________ HOG1a. ¿Cuántas de las personas que habitan esta vivienda tienen entre 6 y 17 años? [Anotar Número] ___________ Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 171 HOG4. ¿Cuántas de las personas que habitan esta vivienda tienen 18 años o más? [Anotar Número] ___________ HOG2. ¿Todas las personas que habitan en esta vivienda comparten un mismo gasto para la comida? (1) Sí (2) No HOG3. ¿Cuántos hogares o grupos de personas tienen gasto separado para la comida contando el de usted? [Anotar Número] ___________ HOGID. Número de orden del hogar dentro de la vivienda : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 LAS SIGUIENTES PREGUNTAS APLICAN A CADA UNO DE LOS HOGARES DENTRO DE LA VIVIENDA. SI EN ESTA VIVIENDA HAY MAS DE UN HOGR DEBERÁ DE COMPPLETAR UN FORMALURARIO POR CADA UNO DE ELLOS. EN ESTOS FORMULARIOS LA SECCIÓN I ES LA MISMA PERO HABRÁ QUE APLICAR POR SEPARADO LA SECCIÓN II. SECCION III. HOGARES VIV7. ¿De cuántos cuartos dispone este hogar sin contar baño, corredor, cocina ni garaje? _____[Anote uno si no hay divisiones en la vivienda y pase a VIV9] (88) NS (98) NR VIV8. Del total de cuartos, ¿Cuántos se utilizan exclusivamente para dormir (como dormitorios)? ________ (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP VIV9. ¿Cuál es la forma de tenencia de la vivienda/cuarto que ocupa este hogar? Esta vivienda/cuarto es [Leer alternativas]: (1) Propia (2) Propia pagándose a plazos (3) Alquilada (4) La ocupa gratuitamente (7) Otra forma de tenencia (88) NS (98) NR VIV10. ¿Cómo se deshacen de las aguas negras en este hogar? [Leer alternativas] (1) Por alcantarilla (2) Por pozo séptico (3) Por descarga a río, laguna o mar (4) Por calle o al aire libre (5) Otra forma (88) NS (98) NR VIV11. ¿Cómo se deshacen de la basura en este hogar? [Leer alternativas] (1) Hay servicio municipal de recolección de basura (2) Hay servicio privado de recolección de basura (3) La depositan en contenedores (4) La entierran (5) La queman (6) En botadero al aire libre (7) La tiran en cualquier lugar (8) Otro (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 172 VIV12. ¿De dónde proviene el agua que utilizan en este hogar? [Leer alternativas] (1) Cañería dentro de la vivienda [Siga] (2) Cañería fuera de la vivienda pero dentro de la propiedad [Siga] (3) Cañería del vecino[Siga] (4) Llave pública [Siga] (5) Pozo [Pase a VIV14] (6) Carro cisterna [Pase a VIV14] (7) Pick –up con barriles (8) Ojo de agua, río, riachuelo o manantial [Pase VIV14] (9) Agua lluvia [Pase a VIV14] (10) Otro [Pase a VIV14] (88) NS [Pase a VIV14] (98) NR [Pase a VIV14] VIV13. ¿Con qué frecuencia le llega el agua? [Leer alternativas] (1) Todos los días (2) Cada dos días (3) Cada tres días (4) Una vez a la semana (5) Una vez cada dos semanas (6) Una vez al mes (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP VIV14. ¿Qué tipo de alumbrado utilizan principalmente en este hogar? [Leer alternativas] (1) Electricidad (2) Candil o lámpara de gas o kerosene (3) Vela (4) Energía solar (5) Batería de carro (6) Otro (88) NS (98) NR Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 173 SECCION III. MIEMBROS DEL HOGAR Y CARACTERÍSTICAS SOCIODEMOGRÁFICAS [No olvide registrar a los miembros ausentes temporales por un período menor de 4 meses, recién nacidos y domésticas que duermen en el hogar, estudiantes en el extranjero y/o enfermos financiados por el hogar] ID. N Ú M E R O D E O R D E N HM01. Por favor, dígame el primer nombre de las personas que forman parte de su hogar, empezando por el jefe o jefa del hogar. HM02. ¿Qué relación de parentesco tiene (NOMBRE)…con el jefe(a) del hogar? (1) Jefe (a) (2) Esposo(a), compañero(a) (3) Hijo(a) (4) Padre/madre (5) Yerno/nuera (6) Nieto(a) /bisnieto(a) (7) Hermano(a) (8) Sobrino(a) (9) Padre/madre (10) Suegro(a) (11) Otros familiares (tío, etc.) (12) Empleada doméstica (13) Otra persona no pariente (88) NS (98) NR HM03. [ANOTAR, NO PREGUNTE]: (1) Hombre (2) Mujer HM04. ¿Qué edad tiene (NOMBRE) en años cumplidos? Anote 00 para los menores de un año. (888) NS (998) NR HM08. [Solo para mayores de 5 años] ¿(Nombre) asiste o asistió a un centro de educación formal? (1) Asiste actualmente o esta de vaciones peropiensa continuar [Pasar a HM05] (2) No asiste actualmente, pero asistía antes [Pasar a HM09] (3) Nunca asistió Pasar a HM09] (88) NS [Pase a HM06] (98) NR [Pase a HM06] HM09. ¿Por qué razón no asiste, dejó de estudiar o no estudio? [Leer opciones] (1) Porque finalizó sus estudios/ el grado (2) Porque no quiere o quiso estudiar (3) Porque realizar o ayudar en [quehaceres del hogar (4) Porque el centro educativo queda lejos (5) Por problemas familiares o de salud (6) Por falta de recursos económicos (7) Porque está trabajando (8) Por problemas de conducta o rendimiento en la escuela (9) Por embarazo (10) Por otro motivo HM09B. Aunque no estudia actualmente piensa retomar sus estudios el próximo año? (1) Si (2) No (88) NS (99) NR Si HM08=3 pasar a HM06 HM05.Solo para los que contestaron que asisten o asistió HM08=1 HM08=2 ¿Cuál fue el último grado o nivel de educación que (NOMBRE) completó o aprobó? (0) Ninguno (1) Kinder (2) Primaria inccompleta (3) Primaria completa (4) Secundaria (5) Preparatoria (6) Carrea técnica (7) Universidad (8)Postgrado (9) Educación especial [para personas con discapacidades] (10) Programa de alfabetización (11) Otros (88) NS (98) NR (99) INAP HM05a. [Solo para los que contestaron que asisten o asistió HM08=1 HM08=2] A través de qué sistema estudia o estudio? (1) Escuela pública (2) Escuala privada (3) CONALEP (4) Telesecundaria (5) Técnica superior (6) Otro ________ (88) NS (98) NR HM06. [Solo para mayores de 10 años] ¿Cuál es el estado civil de (NOMBRE)? (1) Soltero (2) Casado (3) Unión libre (acompañado) (4) Divorciado (5) Separado (6) Viudo (88) NS (98)NR HM07. [Solo para 10 años] ¿A qué se dedica principalmente? [L alternativas] (1) ¿Está Trabajan (2) ¿No está traba momento pero tien (3) ¿Está buscand activamente? (4) ¿Es estudiante (5) ¿Se dedica a lo quehaceres de su (6) ¿Está jubilado, o incapacitado permanentemente trabajar? (7) ¿No trabaja y n buscando trabajo? (88) NS (98)NR 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 174 SECCION IV. INGRESOS Y MIGRACION Q10D. El salario o sueldo que usted recibe y el total del ingreso familiar: [LEER ALTERNATIVAS] (1) Les alcanza bien y pueden ahorrar (2) Les alcanza justo sin grandes dificultades (3) No les alcanza y tienen dificultades (4) No les alcanza y tienen grandes dificultades (88) [No leer] NS (98) [No leer] NR Q10A. ¿Usted o alguien que vive en su casa recibe remesas (ayuda económica) del exterior? (1) Sí (2) No (88) NS (98) NR Q10C. [Preguntar a todos] ¿Tiene usted familiares cercanos que antes vivieron en esta casa y que hoy estén residiendo en el exterior? [Si dijo “Sí”, preguntar ¿en dónde?] [No leer alternativas] (1) Sí, en los Estados Unidos solamente (2) Sí, en los estados Unidos y en otros países (3) Sí, en otros países (no en estados Unidos) (4) No (88) NS (98) NR Q10E. ¿De todos los miembros del hogar, qué persona contribuye en mayor medida al sostenimiento del hogar? Anotar número de orden: __________________ Estas son todas las preguntas que tengo. Muchísimas gracias por su colaboración. Es posible que visitemos su hogar nuevamente en los próximos días para saber su opinión sobre lo que pasa en el país y en su comunidad. Le agradecemos de antemano su colaboración. Hora terminada la entrevista _______ : ______ TI TI. Duración de la entrevista [minutos, ver página # 1] _____________ Yo juro que esta entrevista fue llevada a cabo con la persona indicada y el lugar indicado. Firma del entrevistador__________________ Fecha ____ /_____ /_____ Firma del supervisor de campo _________________ Comentarios: ____________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________ Firma de la persona que digitó los datos __________________________________ Firma de la persona que verificó los datos _______________________________ Impact Evaluation Report– Mexico 175 Appendix E. Pre-Visit Questionnaire Guía para la realización de visitas previas Fecha de la visita: Día: Mes: Año: Hora Inicio: ____ AM ____ PM Hora Finalización: ____ AM ____ PM I. Ubicación MUN.Municipio: (1) Ciudad Juarez (2) Monterrey (quizas en monterrey se incluyan otros municipios conurbados) (3) Tijuana POL.Numero de poligono: _____ TIPO. Tipo de polígono (1) Trtamiento (2) Control (3) De no riesgo ALD. Aldea: _________ CAN. Caserío: ______________ BAR. Barrio: ________________ Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 176 II. Identificación del polígono ID. Número asignado en oficina [Basado en lista de polígonos]: _____________________________ NOM.Nombre completo de la comunidad: __________________________________________________ NOM1.Nombre como es conocida la comunidad entre los pobladores: ___________________________ DIR. Dirección exacta: ___________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________________ __ DIR1.Cómo llegar al polígono: DIR2. ¿Tiene este polígono más de dos colonias? (1) Sí [Siga] (2) No [Pasar a CH1] DIR3. ¿Cuántas colonias tiene este polígono?: [escribir número] DIR4. ¿Están las diferentes etapas una a la par de otra, es decir forman un sólo bloque? (1) Sí (2) No Observaciones:____________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________ PARA CADA COLONIA DEL POLÍGONO COMPLETAR LOS SIGUEITNES DATOS III. Características de CADA colonias CH1. Nombre de la colonia _________________________________________ Forma de acceso a la comunidad: Sí No CH2.Peatonal 1 CH3.Vehicular 1 CH4.Ruta de buses, microbuses 1 Vigilancia Hay en la comunidad: CH5. Vigilante/Seguridad privada 2 CH6. Portón de seguridad privada para entrar a la comunidad 2 LIM. Que calles delimitan la colonia? Nombre de la calle …………………………………….. Nombre de la calle ……………………… …… [Nombre de la comunidad] Nombre de la calle ……………………… …… Nombre de la calle …………………………………………… Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 177 NVIV. En promedio, ¿cuántas viviendas estima que hay en esta colonio? ____________[Si mayor de 500 viviendas, contestar siguiente pregunta; si menor de 500 viviendas pasar a CHVIV] SECTORES1. Es posible sectorizar la colonia y por lo tanto establecer zonas dentro del barrio? (1) SÍ [Siga] (2) No [Pasar a CHVIV], [Sondear con líderes locales] Cuales son esos sectores? [Listar y enumerar] SECTOR2. ¿Cuáles son esos sectores? SECTOR3. ¿Cuántas viviendas aproximadamente comprende cada sector? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. CHVIV. Anotar características de la mayoría de las viviendas de esta colonia: 1) Viviendas en edificios o multifamiliares 2) Casas independientes 3) Algunas en edificios, otras independientes OTR. ¿Hay otras comunidades a la par o contiguas a esta comunidad? (0) No_____ (1) Sí_____[Listar nombre (s) abajo] Comunidad Ubicación Por favor indicar si esta colonia cuenta con los siguientes recursos y la cantidad: No Sí CH5. Canchas (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que son accesibles a pie) 00 1 2 3 o más CH6. Iglesias o templos de cualquier denominación religiosas (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que son accesibles a pie) 0 1 2 3 o más CH7. Escuelas públicas (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que son accesibles a pie) 0 1 2 3 o más CH8. Escuelas/colegios privados adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que son accesibles a pie) 0 1 2 3 o más CH9. Centros de salud (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que son accesibles a pie) 0 1 2 3 o más CH10. Casa comunal (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que es accesible a pie) 00 1 2 3 o más CH11. Bibliotecas públicas (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que es accesible a pie) 00 1 2 CH12. Plazas o parques públicos (adentro o en las afueras de la comunidad que es accesible a pie) 00 1 2 3 o más CH13.Otros: Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 178 JDIR. ¿Hay una organización de vecinos o patronato en esta colonia? (1) Sí, una organización de vecinos o patronato……………...Nombre: (2) Sí, más de una organización de vecinos o patronato….Nombres: (3) No ORG. ¿Hay alguna institución del Estado, organización no gubernamental nacional o internacional que estén actualmente implementando programas dirigidos a los niños y/o jóvenes de la comunidad? (4) Sí [Escribir nombre (s) de las instituciones] (5) No Nombre(s): Experiencia en la comunidad EC1. ¿Para realizar la visita tuvo el acompañamiento de alguien que reside en la polígono/colonia (un líder comunitario, un miembro de la junta directiva, o vecino residente en el lugar)? (1) Sí (2) No EC2. En general, ¿Cómo le recibió la gente de la colonia? EC4. Teniendo en cuenta el estrato socio-económico de otras comunidades/colonias en este municipio, según lo que pudo observar, diría usted que en esta colonia/comunidad residen principalmente personas de: (1) Clase alta (2) Clase media alta (3) Clase media (4) Clase media baja (5) Clase baja (6) Hay de todos los niveles Socioeconómicos EC5. ¿Cuál es la principal lengua que se habla en la colonia? (escriba la que es la más hablada—que la mayoría de personas utilizan) EC6. ¿Existen otras lenguas que también se hablan? (Escribir todas) EC7.Observaciones adicionales: ___________________________________________________________________________________ _ ___________________________________________________________________________________ _ Si hay Escuela Pública en la Comunidad visítela y anote: Tipo de educación Cantid ad maestr os Total Estudia ntes Turnos: Matutino=1 Vespertino= 2 Nocturno=3 Turno 1y 2=4 Todos=5 Anote el código Total estu diant es Primar ia Secund aria amb as CH7. Si hay Escuelas 1 2 3 Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 179 públicas dentro de la comunidad Nombre de la Escuela: _________________________________________________ Teléfono:_____________________________ Dirección:_____________________________________ Nombre del director:____________________________ Nombre de la Escuela: _________________________________________________ Teléfono:_____________________________ Dirección:_____________________________________ Nombre del director:____________________________ Si hay Iglesia en la Comunidad visítela y anote: Nombre de la Iglesia Nombre del Pastor o Padre Dirección Teléfono Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 180 Appendix F: Focus Group Discussion Guide A continuación se presentan las guías de discusión que se usaron en las tres ciudades en la segunda ronda (2014) para los cuatro diferentes grupos de discusión focalizada. IRB# 091334 Estudio de comunidades MEXICO 2014 © Vanderbilt University 2011. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. Cuestionario/Guía de Discusión para el Grupo Focal de Jóvenes que se Consideran en Riesgo (Jóvenes Riesgo Menor) Introducción General: Dar a conocer la mecánica de trabajo a los participantes Establecer el rapport con los participantes: compenetración con ellos, crear bases para un ambiente de mayor apertura, tranquilidad y confianza de los participantes. FG de Jóvenes INTRODUCCIÓN (5 min) Bienvenida Gracias por haber venido a esta reunión para platicar sobre sus opiniones, experiencias de la ciudad y temas relacionados. Todas las respuestas y comentarios son importantes. No hay respuestas buenas ni malas. Participación de todos Grabación de audio CONFIDENCIAL –sólo para fines de este trabajo￾PRIMERA INTERVENCIÓN DE CADA PARTICIPANTE (3 min) - actividades cotidianas y pasatiempos preferidos PROBLEMÁTICA GENERAL (10 mins) 1. En su opinión, ¿cuáles son los problemas más graves de los jóvenes como usted, aquí en mencionar CIUDAD? 2. ¿Qué se debería de hacer para resolver estos problemas? (o sea, los problemas de X, Y, Z--los que han sido nombrados) 3. ¿Hay organismos en mencionar CIUDAD que han hecho esfuerzos para resolver estos problemas? ¿Qué organizaciones han hecho algo? ¿Qué han hecho, específicamente? ¿Estos esfuerzos, hasta qué punto han logrado solucionar los problemas? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 181 VIOLENCIA EN ESCUELAS (25 mints) SI HAY POCA CONVERSACIÓN SOBRE VIOLENCIA EN ESCUELAS EXPLORAR PREGUNTAS SIMILARES SOBRE VIOLENCIA EN SU COLONIA Y LIGAR CON SIGUIENTE SECCIÓN 4. Hablando de la violencia y de los delitos que la gente de mencionar CIUDAD dice que son tan comunes hoy en día, en la escuela primaria y secundaria que usted ha asistido, ¿qué tan serio era el problema de la violencia? 5. En las escuelas que usted ha asistido, ¿qué tipo de violencia había? Eran los alumnos mismos que hicieron actos violentos, o eran jóvenes de afuera, que no eran alumnos de la escuela de usted? 6. Y los delitos que se cometieron en la escuela, ¿qué tipos de delitos eran? 7. Los que cometieron estos actos de delincuencia, eran miembros de alguna pandilla? 8. ¿Cuántas pandillas había en su escuela o colegio? ¿Cómo se llamaban? 9. ¿Cómo se sabía que cierto alumno y cierta alumna eran miembros de una pandilla? ¿Qué señas mostraban que pertenecían a alguna pandilla? 10. ¿Qué hacía el director o directora de la escuela o del colegio cuando se enteraba de que se había cometido un delito o algún acto de violencia? (¿Me puede dar ejemplos de algunos casos que usted recuerda?) 11. ¿Ha sido víctima usted de algún acto de delincuencia en su escuela o colegio? ¿Me puede contar el incidente? ¿Cómo se resolvió esto? ¿Qué pasó con el agresor? 12. En la escuela o colegio que usted había asistido, ¿se expulsaba a los y las estudiantes violentos? ¿Eran expulsiones permanentes? ¿Qué pasó con estos estudiantes después de su expulsión—se trasladaron a otra escuela u otro colegio, o dejaron de estudiar? 13. En su escuela o colegio, ¿se hacía algo para prevenir la delincuencia? 14. En su escuela o colegio, los alumnos y las alumnas tenían algún rol en mediar los conflictos entre alumnos? ¿Qué hacían ellos en cuanto a la mediación? 15. ¿Hacía algo la escuela o el colegio para prevenir que los alumnos y las alumnas se metieran en las pandillas? ¿Qué hacía? 16. ¿Qué hacen las pandillas para convencerle a un o una joven que se meta en la pandilla? 17. ¿En su escuela o colegio, había charlas sobre el uso de las drogas narcóticas? ¿Quiénes daban estas charlas? CRIMEN ORGANIZADO (25 mints) 18. ¿Qué tanta actividad del crimen organizado dirían que hay en mencionar CIUDAD? 19. Y en sus colonias, qué tanta actividad? ¿En términos comparativos dirían que viven en colonias que son de las que hay mucha o poca actividad del crimen organizado? 20. ¿Qué grupo hay? ¿Qué actividades realizan principalmente? 21. ¿La gente les tiene respeto o miedo o en muchos casos esta involucrados con ellos? 22. ¿Cómo se sabía que cierto joven de su colonia es miembros de un grupo de crimen organizado? 23. ¿Cómo afectan, que impacto tiene el crimen organizado en las colonias donde viven? 24. ¿Resulta atractivo para los jóvenes pertenecer o apoyar las actividades de grupos de crimen organizado? ¿Por qué? ¿Qué ventajas o desventajas tiene? POLICIA Y SISTEMA DE JUSTICIA (20 mints) 25. ¿La policía estatal hacía algo para proteger a los y las estudiantes de los pandilleros o grupos de crimen organizado? ¿Qué hacía la policía? 26. ¿Cómo trata la policía a los jóvenes de mencionar CIUDAD? (pedir ejemplos) desconfía Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 182 27. ¿Tiene usted confianza o desconfianza en la policía? ¿Por qué dice esto? 28. ¿Cómo han sido las experiencias que usted o sus amigos han tenido con la policía? 29. Con respecto a los juzgados y las experiencias de los jóvenes, qué impresión tiene usted de los jueces de mencionar CIUDAD y de la justicia que se provee a los jóvenes? 30. Y los fiscales de mencionar CIUDAD, ¿cómo son ellos en su forma de tratar a los jóvenes? 31. ¿Qué sabe usted de las leyes que tienen que ver con la delincuencia juvenil? ¿A qué edad se manda a un condenado a una prisión para jóvenes y a qué edad se le manda a una prisión para adultos? SITUACIÓN FAMILIAR Y TRABAJO (30 mints) 32. Hablando ahora de su familia, ¿Cómo es la situación de su hogar? ¿Está satisfecho con el nivel de apoyo que su mamá y su papá le han dado a usted y a sus hermanos? 33. ¿Qué le hace falta para poder lograr sus metas? 34. ¿Hay alguna institución en mencionar CIUDAD (el municipio, la iglesia, la escuela, una ONG), o algún individuo, que le ha ayudado a conseguir lo que necesite? ¿Qué institución o persona será? ¿En qué forma le han ayudado? 35. ¿Tiene usted un trabajo en este momento? (Si dice que “no” preguntar, “por qué no?”. Si dice que “sí”, preguntar: ¿Qué tipo de trabajo es? ¿Está contento con este trabajo, o preferiría tener un trabajo mejor? ( ¿Qué tipo de trabajo le gustaría tener? ¿Hay obstáculos que le previenen conseguir tal trabajo? ¿Cuáles son estos obstáculos?) 36. ¿Ha completado usted sus estudios, o sea, se ha graduado del colegio? (Si dicen que “no”, preguntar, “Por qué dejó sus estudios?”) 37. ¿Hay en mencionar CIUDAD oportunidades para completar los estudios, para los que ya han dejado de estudiar en las escuelas o los colegios? 38. ¿Qué tipos de trabajo ha tenido usted desde que dejó de estudiar? ¿Qué tendría que hacer para poder conseguir un trabajo mejor? 39. ¿Ha tenido usted problemas en completar sus estudios o en conseguir trabajo por el hecho de que usted habla una lengua indígena mejor que el español, o porque tiene problemas en expresarse en español? CIERRE (15 mints) 40. ¿Siente algún cambio en la cuestión educativa /escolar en los últimos meses/años? 41. ¿Considera que –si es que hay- algunos cambios en la sociedad, en la escuela, en su comunidad que hayan influido en estos cambios? 42. ¿Cree que el gobierno o alguna otra institución ha implementado programas o planes para mejorar la condición social en su comunidad? 43. ¿Cómo se siente con respecto a su entorno inmediato y la relación que tiene con su vida diaria en el aspecto económico, social y familiar? 44. ¿Conoce usted algún o algunos programas que ha implementado el gobierno o alguna otra institución para mejorar la situación en su comunidad? 45. ¿Ha participado usted en algún o algunos programas para mejorar su vida en general? 46. ¿Conoce usted a alguien que haya participado en estos programas? 47. ¿Qué opinión tiene usted de estos programas que se han implementado en su comunidad? 48. ¿Hay algo que quiere agregar a la conversación, algo que no se ha comentado hasta el momento? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 183 IRB# 091334 Estudio de comunidades MEXICO 2014 © Vanderbilt University 2011. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. Cuestionario/Guía de Discusión para el Grupo Focal de Jóvenes que se Consideran en Riesgo (Jóvenes Riesgo Mayor) Introducción General: Dar a conocer la mecánica de trabajo a los participantes Establecer el rapport con los participantes: compenetración con ellos, crear bases para un ambiente de mayor apertura, tranquilidad y confianza de los participantes. FG de Jóvenes INTRODUCCIÓN (5 mints) Bienvenida Gracias por haber venido a esta reunión para platicar sobre sus opiniones, experiencias de la ciudad y temas relacionados. Todas las respuestas y comentarios son importantes. No hay respuestas buenas ni malas. Participación de todos Grabación de audio CONFIDENCIAL –sólo para fines de este trabajo￾PRIMERA INTERVENCIÓN DE CADA PARTICIPANTE (3 mints) - actividades cotidianas y pasatiempos preferidos PROBLEMÁTICA GENERAL 10 minutos) 49. En su opinión, ¿cuáles son los problemas más graves de los jóvenes como usted, aquí en mencionar CIUDAD? 50. ¿Qué se debería de hacer para resolver estos problemas? (o sea, los problemas de X, Y, Z--los que han sido nombrados) 51. ¿Hay organismos en mencionar CIUDAD que han hecho esfuerzos para resolver estos problemas? ¿Qué organizaciones han hecho algo? ¿Qué han hecho, específicamente? ¿Estos esfuerzos, hasta qué punto han logrado solucionar los problemas? VIOLENCIA EN ESCUELAS (25 minutos) SI HAY POCA CONVERSACIÓN SOBRE VIOLENCIA EN ESCUELAS EXPLORAR PREGUNTAS SIMILARES SOBRE VIOLENCIA EN SU COLONIA Y LIGAR CON SIGUIENTE SECCIÓN Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 184 52. Hablando de la violencia y de los delitos que la gente de mencionar CIUDAD dice que son tan comunes hoy en día, en la escuela primaria y secundaria que usted ha asistido, ¿qué tan serio era el problema de la violencia? 53. En las escuelas que usted ha asistido, ¿qué tipo de violencia había? Eran los alumnos mismos que hicieron actos violentos, o eran jóvenes de afuera, que no eran alumnos de la escuela de usted? 54. Y los delitos que se cometieron en la escuela, ¿qué tipos de delitos eran? 55. Los que cometieron estos actos de delincuencia, eran miembros de alguna pandilla? 56. ¿Cuántas pandillas había en su escuela o colegio? ¿Cómo se llamaban? 57. ¿Cómo se sabía que cierto alumno y cierta alumna eran miembros de una pandilla? ¿Qué señas mostraban que pertenecían a alguna pandilla? 58. ¿Qué hacía el director o directora de la escuela o del colegio cuando se enteraba de que se había cometido un delito o algún acto de violencia? (¿Me puede dar ejemplos de algunos casos que usted recuerda?) 59. ¿Ha sido víctima usted de algún acto de delincuencia en su escuela o colegio? ¿Me puede contar el incidente? ¿Cómo se resolvió esto? ¿Qué pasó con el agresor? 60. En la escuela o colegio que usted había asistido, ¿se expulsaba a los y las estudiantes violentos? ¿Eran expulsiones permanentes? ¿Qué pasó con estos estudiantes después de su expulsión—se trasladaron a otra escuela u otro colegio, o dejaron de estudiar? 61. En su escuela o colegio, ¿se hacía algo para prevenir la delincuencia? 62. En su escuela o colegio, los alumnos y las alumnas tenían algún rol en mediar los conflictos entre alumnos? ¿Qué hacían ellos en cuanto a la mediación? 63. ¿Hacía algo la escuela o el colegio para prevenir que los alumnos y las alumnas se metieran en las pandillas? ¿Qué hacía? 64. ¿Qué hacen las pandillas para convencerle a un o una joven que se meta en la pandilla? 65. ¿En su escuela o colegio, había charlas sobre el uso de las drogas narcóticas? ¿Quiénes daban estas charlas? CRIMEN ORGANIZADO (25 minutos) 66. ¿Qué tanta actividad del crimen organizado dirían que hay en mencionar CIUDAD? 67. Y en sus colonias, qué tanta actividad? ¿En términos comparativos dirían que viven en colonias que son de las que hay mucha o poca actividad del crimen organizado? 68. ¿Qué grupo hay? ¿Qué actividades realizan principalmente? 69. ¿La gente les tiene respeto o miedo o en muchos casos esta involucrados con ellos? 70. ¿Cómo se sabía que cierto joven de su colonia es miembros de un grupo de crimen organizado? 71. ¿Cómo afectan, que impacto tiene el crimen organizado en las colonias donde viven? 72. ¿Resulta atractivo para los jóvenes pertenecer o apoyar las actividades de grupos de crimen organizado? ¿Por qué? ¿Qué ventajas o desventajas tiene? SECCION ÚNICA. A. ¿Quién nos puede comentar sobre algún evento que haya vivido más cercanamente? B. ¿Cómo fue? ¿a qué se debió? C. ¿cómo se pudo resolver? ¿cuánto tiempo tardó en resolverlo? D. DEJAR QUE LOS PARTICPANTES COMENTEN SOBRE SUS DIFERENTES EXPERIENCIAS. POLICIA Y SISTEMA DE JUSTICIA (20 mints) 73. ¿La policía estatal hacía algo para proteger a los y las estudiantes de los pandilleros o grupos de crimen organizado? ¿Qué hacía la policía? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 185 74. ¿Cómo trata la policía a los jóvenes de mencionar CIUDAD? (pedir ejemplos) desconfía 75. ¿Tiene usted confianza o desconfianza en la policía? ¿Por qué dice esto? 76. ¿Cómo han sido las experiencias que usted o sus amigos han tenido con la policía? 77. Con respecto a los juzgados y las experiencias de los jóvenes, qué impresión tiene usted de los jueces de mencionar CIUDAD y de la justicia que se provee a los jóvenes? 78. Y los fiscales de mencionar CIUDAD, ¿cómo son ellos en su forma de tratar a los jóvenes? 79. ¿Qué sabe usted de las leyes que tienen que ver con la delincuencia juvenil? ¿A qué edad se manda a un condenado a una prisión para jóvenes y a qué edad se le manda a una prisión para adultos? SITUACIÓN FAMILIAR Y TRABAJO (30 mints) 80. Hablando ahora de su familia, ¿Cómo es la situación de su hogar? ¿Está satisfecho con el nivel de apoyo que su mamá y su papá le han dado a usted y a sus hermanos? 81. ¿Qué le hace falta para poder lograr sus metas? 82. ¿Hay alguna institución en mencionar CIUDAD (el municipio, la iglesia, la escuela, una ONG), o algún individuo, que le ha ayudado a conseguir lo que necesite? ¿Qué institución o persona será? ¿En qué forma le han ayudado? 83. ¿Tiene usted un trabajo en este momento? (Si dice que “no” preguntar, “por qué no?”. Si dice que “sí”, preguntar: ¿Qué tipo de trabajo es? ¿Está contento con este trabajo, o preferiría tener un trabajo mejor? ( ¿Qué tipo de trabajo le gustaría tener? ¿Hay obstáculos que le previenen conseguir tal trabajo? ¿Cuáles son estos obstáculos?) 84. ¿Ha completado usted sus estudios, o sea, se ha graduado del colegio? (Si dicen que “no”, preguntar, “Por qué dejó sus estudios?”) 85. ¿Hay en mencionar CIUDAD oportunidades para completar los estudios, para los que ya han dejado de estudiar en las escuelas o los colegios? 86. ¿Qué tipos de trabajo ha tenido usted desde que dejó de estudiar? ¿Qué tendría que hacer para poder conseguir un trabajo mejor? 87. ¿Ha tenido usted problemas en completar sus estudios o en conseguir trabajo por el hecho de que usted habla una lengua indígena mejor que el español, o porque tiene problemas en expresarse en español? 88. ¿Hay algo que quiere agregar a la conversación, algo que no se ha comentado hasta el momento? CIERRE (15 mints) 89. ¿Siente algún cambio en la cuestión educativa /escolar en los últimos meses/años? 90. ¿Cree que el crimen organizado ha aumentado o disminuido con los programas de gobierno u otras instituciones? 91. ¿Se han incrementado el número de pandillas o grupos de jóvenes con fines de violencia? 92. ¿Considera que –si es que hay- algunos cambios en la sociedad, en la escuela, en su comunidad que hayan influido en estos cambios? 93. ¿Cree que el gobierno o alguna otra institución ha implementado programas o planes para mejorar la condición social en su comunidad? 94. ¿Cómo se siente con respecto a su entorno inmediato y la relación que tiene con su vida diaria en el aspecto económico, social y familiar? 95. ¿Conoce usted algún o algunos programas que ha implementado el gobierno o alguna otra institución para mejorar la situación en su comunidad? 96. ¿Ha participado usted en algún o algunos programas para mejorar su vida en general? 97. ¿Conoce usted a alguien que haya participado en estos programas? 98. ¿Qué opinión tiene usted de estos programas que se han implementado en su comunidad? 99. ¿Hay algo que quiere agregar a la conversación, algo que no se ha comentado hasta el momento? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 186 IRB# 091334 Estudio de comunidades en MEXICO 2014 © Vanderbilt University 2011. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. Cuestionario para Líderes Introducción: Dar a conocer la mecánica de trabajo a los participantes Establecer el rapport con los participantes: compenetración con ellos, crear bases para un ambiente de mayor apertura, tranquilidad y confianza de los participantes. FG de Líderes INTRODUCCIÓN (5 mints) Bienvenida Gracias por haber venido a esta reunión para platicar sobre sus opiniones, experiencias de la ciudad y temas relacionados. Todas las respuestas y comentarios son importantes. No hay respuestas buenas ni malas. Participación de todos pero uno a la vez para escuchar y atender su comentario. Grabación de audio CONFIDENCIAL –sólo para fines de este trabajo￾PRIMERA INTERVENCIÓN DE CADA PARTICIPANTE (3 mints) Nombre, ocupación y pasatiempos preferidos I. Preguntas generales (25 mints) 1. ¿Cuáles son los problemas más grandes con respecto a los jóvenes de su comunidad/mencionar CIUDAD? 2. ¿Qué tan comunes son los conflictos en su escuela? (entre alumnos; entre alumnos y maestros) grupos externos con alumnos? 3. ¿Cómo se resuelven los conflictos? (en la escuela/en la comunidad/centro de /calle/casa)? ¿Cuál es el papel de Uds. (padres/maestros/líderes) en la resolución de conflictos? ¿Los jóvenes dan el mismo peso a todas las autoridades o creen que alguna tiene mayor “influencia” y por qué? 4. ¿Existen medios de resolver conflictos que sugiere la secretaría de Educación (p.e., convivencia escolar)? ¿Cómo funcionan estos medios? 5. ¿Saben de casos de padres de familia/maestros/empresarios/líderes sociales que aumentaron o disminuyeron su participación en a raíz de algún “acontecimiento violento o coyuntural”? 6. ¿Cómo se comportan los jóvenes en la resolución de conflictos? ¿escuchan, son agresivos, receptivos? 7. En la escuela, por ejemplo: Cuando un alumno sigue comportándose de una manera que no se considera aceptable, es posible expulsarlo(la)? Cual es el reglamento de la secretaría de Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 187 Educación al respecto? De hecho, hay estudiantes que entran en sus escuelas que han sido expulsados de otras escuelas? ¿Qué han hecho estos alumnos? ¿Por qué han sido expulsados? ¿le dan el mismo trato a ese chico? ¿cómo lo reciben los otros alumnos? De ser el caso: ¿cómo perciben los alumnos a los compañeros que han tenido problemas con la ley, que han sido detenidos? ¿Cómo reaccionan los padres de familia ante la llegada de un chico (a) que ha estado involucrado en delincuencia juvenil? 8. ¿Su escuela/colonia/iglesia/empresa/organización tiene algún programa de prevención de violencia y delincuencia? ¿Cómo es este programa? ¿Hasta qué punto ha tenido éxito este programa? ¿Cuáles han sido sus logros y limitantes? 9. ¿Cuál es la tasa de deserción estudiantil en mencionar CIUDAD? En qué grado tienden a abandonar la escuela los alumnos? Cuáles son los motivos más comunes por la deserción? ¿Qué hacen las ONG’s /empresas/padres para evitar la deserción escolar? 10. ¿Hay barreras que impidan que un(a) niño(a) se matricule en una escuela? Cuáles son? II. Convivencia Escolar (40 mints) 11. ¿Participa su Organización/Iglesia/comunidad/empresa con escuelas/colegios en algún programa de Convivencia Escolar o convivencia comunitaria? 12. ¿Me puede explicar cómo funciona este programa? 13. Según este plan, ¿cómo se debe manejar los conflictos entre estudiantes? ¿Cómo se debe negociar los conflictos? ¿Quién interviene? 14. ¿Qué tipos de correcciones y sanciones se usan con los agresores? 15. ¿Quiénes participan en mantener la seguridad o vigilar por la convivencia escolar y comunitaria? a. ¿En qué forma lo hacen? b. ¿Qué tan exitoso han sido sus esfuerzos? (Pídales que den ejemplos.) A) Organización. 16. ¿Qué tipo de liderazgo hay en la comunidad?¿Hay comités o clubes de líderes estudiantiles/juveniles/laborales/religiosos? 17¿Qué hacen estos comités o clubes? 18. ¿Cómo trabajan? ¿Quienes los apoyan? 19. ¿Qué ha hecho este club para negociar los conflictos entre los jóvenes? (dé ejemplos) 20. ¿Han hecho algo estos comités o clubes para prevenir los conflictos de convivencia? ¿Ha habido casos que involucraban pandilleros? 21. ¿Hay un Comité en su escuela, templo, organización o colonia dedicado a prevenir la delincuencia, violencia, drogadicción, etc? 22. ¿Qué hace este comité? ¿Cómo funciona? ¿Qué tipo de persona forma parte de él? 23.¿Se ha integrado a algún pandillero a esos clubes o comités? De ser el caso ¿Cómo los percibe el comité y la comunidad? 24. ¿Ha oído usted hablar de las Escuelas Seguras? ¿Qué sabe al respecto? ¿Cómo son diferentes las Escuelas Seguras de las escuelas ordinarias—cómo funcionan? ¿Hasta qué punto han tenido éxito en prevenir la delincuencia? ¿Hay Escuelas Seguras en sus comunidades? 25.. ¿Conoce usted el programa YYYY? ¿Cómo funciona YYYY? ¿Ha tenido éxito en reducir el nivel de delincuencia en las escuelas? ¿Cómo ha logrado esto? (Si no, por qué no?) 26. ¿Se trabaja con niños y niñas de edad de kinder o primaria, para educarlos en la convivencia escolar? 26a. Pensando específicamente en los últimos dos años, ¿cree usted que algo haya cambiado/mejorado en las escuelas o en las calles? B). Participación Comunitaria. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 188 27. ¿Hay grupos activos en su comunidad/mencionar CIUDAD dedicados a reducir el nivel de violencia o delincuencia entre los jóvenes, en las escuelas y colonias? ¿Cuáles son sus nombres? 28. Específicamente, qué ha hecho la Escuela, la asociación de Padres y Madres/el templo/su empresa para prevenir la violencia entre los jóvenes? ¿Hay relación con otros miembros de la comunidad, empresas, ONG’s? ¿Ha habido casos de docentes que se burlen, abusen, violenten a los alumnos? ¿Qué hacen los padres? ¿Qué hacen los maestros? ¿y en los casos donde los padres violenten a sus hijos? ¿Empresas a los jóvenes empleados en ellas? 29. ¿Qué han hecho para prevenir que los jóvenes se metan en pandillas? 30. ¿Cuáles son los actos de delincuencia más comunes en su centro de trabajo/colonia? 31. ¿Ustedes alguna vez han asistido a la casa de algún(a) estudiante/joven para hablar con su padre y madre sobre su conducta (en la escuela, trabajo, colonia)? ¿Por qué fue? ¿Qué resultado tuvo esta visita? ¿Cómo se acercan o abordan a la familia de un joven en problemas (cualquier tipo) y cómo abordan a la familia de un (a) joven que es maltratado por su familia/maestro/empleador? 32. ¿Qué rol ha desempeñado la policía o autoridades de procuración de justicia en su escuela o colonia en torno a la prevención y tratamiento de la delincuencia? ¿Cuáles han sido sus actividades? 33. ¿Con qué frecuencia viene la policía u otra autoridad a su escuela/colonia? ¿Cómo los reciben los chicos? ¿Qué hacen cuando vienen? [Si el/la entrevistado/a menciona que “dan charlas”, preguntas sobre qué temas dan charlas.] ¿Acude la misma autoridad o funcionario o los rolan? 34. ¿Organizan actividades deportivas? ¿Hay más actividades, (como defensa personal, medidas en casos de balacera, primeros auxilios, drogas)? 35. ¿Los sacerdotes católicos o pastores evangélicos vienen con el fin de prevenir la violencia y delincuencia? ¿Cuáles son sus actividades? ¿Cómo los reciben los alumnos/jóvenes? ¿se muestran interesados? 36. Hay otras personas o instituciones que acudan a su escuela/comunidad/empresa/templo para impartir charlas o actividades los jóvenes? III. Los jóvenes y las pandillas (35 mints) 37. ¿Cómo son los jóvenes de su escuela/comunidad/templo? a) ¿En qué forma se visten y peinan los muchachos, las niñas y mujeres? ¿Qué los distingue de los que son pandilleros? 38. ¿Cómo sabe usted si un joven es miembro de una pandilla? 39. ¿Qué señas dan los jóvenes que pertenecen a una pandilla? (Sondeo: su apariencia; su conducta)? 40. ¿A qué edad comienzan a afiliarse con las pandillas? 41. ¿Por qué cree usted que los jóvenes se afilian con las pandillas? ¿Cómo se inician? 42. ¿Hombres y mujeres se afilian por motivos distintos? ¿Y las niñas y mujeres, por qué se afilian? ¿Y los hombres? a. ¿Qué factores contribuyen a esta afiliación? b. ¿Qué estrategias usan los pandilleros para reclutar jóvenes a su pandilla? 43. ¿Cómo es su forma de hablar? ¿Las niñas y mujeres también hablan así? a. ¿Hablan distinto a los otros jóvenes? 44. ¿Pueden salir de la pandilla? 45. ¿De qué manera se comportan los miembros de las pandillas? ¿es distinta al comportamiento de los otros muchachos? 46. Hay presencia de pandillas en su colegio/empresa/ ¿Es la escuela/colonia/ un terreno neutral? ¿Cómo es el control del poder dentro de la escuela/negocio/colonia cuando hay pandillas?¿hay disputa geográfica? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 189 47. ¿Han tratado las pandillas de interferir en actividades escolares, civiles, laborales, religiosas? 48. ¿cuál es el trato que dan las pandillas a los docentes/sacerdotes/empleadores/padres? Las pandillas los respetan? ¿han sido víctimas de actos delincuenciales por parte de las pandillas? (den ejemplos). 49. ¿Cómo se llaman las pandillas que hay en mencionar CIUDAD? 50. ¿Cometen delincuencias en su escuela/colegio/barrio? ¿Qué tipo de delincuencias cometen? 51. ¿Qué hacen cuando se dan cuenta de un acto de delincuencia juvenil? 52. ¿Qué hacen para prevenir los actos de delincuencia en el Centro Escolar/laboral/templo/barrio? 53. ¿Hacen los estudiantes/lo jóvenes algo para prevenir o reparar el daño en la propiedad del colegio/parroquia/colonia/trabajo? 54. ¿Escriben graffitis (manchas)? a. ¿Entienden los graffitis? b. ¿A quién se dirigen los mensajes de graffiti (a los miembros de la pandilla a que pertenece el pintor? A los miembros de otra pandilla? A la policía? A otro grupo?) IV. Crimen Organizado. (15 mints) 55. ¿Están las pandillas involucradas con el crimen organizado? 56. .¿Cómo se da ese acercamiento? 57. ¿Cómo trabajan? 58. ¿Hay presencia del crimen organizado en su escuela/negocio/colonia/templo? No ¿Por qué? ¿Qué han hecho para prevenirlo? Preguntar si antes lo había. De ser Si ¿cómo es? 59. Sabe de escuelas/empleos donde se ha infiltrado el crimen organizado ¿de qué modo? 60. ¿Sabe de alumnos/fieles o colaboradores que sean parte del crimen organizado? 61. ¿Qué tan grave es el problema del consumo de drogas en la escuela/colonia/empresa/templo? 62¿Y el tráfico de estas substancias? V. Cierre (5 mints) 63. ¿Ustedes coordinan sus esfuerzos con otros miembros de la comunidad para prevenir que los y las jóvenes se afilien con las pandillas? 64. ¿Con qué instituciones trabajan los miembros de su comunidad? ¿En qué forma trabajan? ¿Qué hacen? ¿Qué planes y proyectos tienen? 65. ¿Cuál es su impresión sobre el trabajo de las autoridades en torno a prevenir la delincuencia y el crimen organizado? ¿Qué se podría hacer para prevenir que los y las jóvenes se metan en pandillas? 66. ¿Hay algo más que quieran ustedes comentar y que no hayamos mencionado a lo largo de esta reunión? ¿Algo que consideren ustedes importante? Muchas gracias por su participación. Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 190 IRB# 091334 Estudio de comunidades en MEXICO 2014 © Vanderbilt University 2011. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. Cuestionario para Líderes y Funcionarios Focus Group, Mexico Introducción General: Dar a conocer la mecánica de trabajo a los participantes Establecer el rapport con los participantes: compenetración con ellos, crear bases para un ambiente de mayor apertura, tranquilidad y confianza de los participantes. INTRODUCCIÓN (5 min) Bienvenida Gracias por haber venido a esta reunión para platicar sobre sus opiniones, experiencias de la ciudad y temas relacionados. Todas las respuestas y comentarios son importantes. No hay respuestas buenas ni malas. Participación de todos pero uno a la vez para escuchar y atender su comentario. Grabación de audio CONFIDENCIAL –sólo para fines de este trabajo￾PRIMERA INTERVENCIÓN DE CADA PARTICIPANTE (3 min) Nombre, ocupación y pasatiempos preferidos A. Actividades de prevención social de delincuencia (30 minutos) 1. ¿Qué rol desempeña usted en su institución? 2. ¿Qué actividades realizan en su institución para prevenir la delincuencia? 3. ¿Usted o sus colegas hacen algo para facilitar que otros servicios sociales o comunitarios se provean a las comunidades? (Dar ejemplos) 4. ¿Tienen programas contacto o actividades con escuelas, colegios o asociaciones de padres de familia? ¿Cuáles son las actividades que realiza en las escuelas y en los colegios? ¿Con qué frecuencia asisten? 5. ¿Tienen reuniones con directores de escuelas y colegios o con sus docentes? ¿De qué platican y cuál es su participación? Y ¿con los padres de familia y alumnos? ¿De qué se habla en estas reuniones? 6. ¿Ha oído hablar de algún programa de la secretaría de Educación que fomente la convivencia escolar, o sea un programa donde hay mediación de conflictos? ¿Qué sabe de este programa? 7. ¿Ha oído si ha tenido éxito o no en disminuir o prevenir la violencia entre los alumnos? ¿Qué sabe usted de la Escuelas Seguras? ¿Cómo funciona este programa? ¿Quién se encarga del programa? ¿Cuántas Escuelas Seguras hay, y dónde se están ubicadas? ¿Qué tan exitosas han sido hasta el momento, en reducir el nivel de delincuencia y violencia? (¿Cómo sabe esto—a base de qué datos/en qué lo nota/quién le dijo?) 5. Cree que parte de sus tareas es ¿mediar/Conciliar conflictos en su comunidad? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 191 ¿Qué tipo de asuntos trata usted en su rol de mediador? [Pedir ejemplo ¿qué ha hecho Ud. durante un caso de mediación?] 6. ¿Hay Centros de Mediación en los barrios/zonas donde usted trabaja? ¿Quiénes son las personas que llevan a cabo la mediación? ¿Qué tipos de casos se median en esos centros? ¿Tratan casos de violencia? 7. Cuando hay casos de violencia doméstica ¿Quién suele solicitar su ayuda? [Sondear: Una mujer a quien se está maltratando; un hombre del hogar, un vecino?] ¿Qué hace usted en los casos de violencia doméstica? [¿Me puede dar un ejemplo?] ¿Han recibido capacitación al respecto? 8. Según su opinión, ¿cuáles han sido los logros y los fracasos del municipio hasta el momento en prevenir la violencia en mencionar CIUDAD? 9 ¿Ha tenido usted contacto con algunas organizaciones de la sociedad civil (ONG o asociaciones religiosas) que se enfocan en la prevención de la violencia y la delincuencia juvenil? ¿Cuáles ONGs? ¿Cuáles iglesias y templos? ¿Tienen programas en común? ¿De qué trata? ¿Cuáles son sus resultados? 10 ¿Qué rol desempeña usted con respecto a estas organizaciones? 11¿Tiene usted relación con algún programa nacional de Seguridad Ciudadana? 12 ¿Qué tipo de actividades se llevan a cabo de manera conjunta entre su institución y el programa de Seguridad Ciudadana? 13. ¿Utiliza usted los llamados “mapas de protección” o mapas de recursos socio-comunitarios? 14. Cuando hay modificaciones legales que repercuten en sus actividades y atribuciones ¿qué tan rápido conoce usted estas modificaciones? ¿Hay alguna nueva medida que estén implementando para atrapar/consignar/defender (según sea el caso) delincuentes? B. Actividades de prevención y combate a la delincuencia juvenil (20 minutos) 15. ¿Sabe usted en qué formas trabaja su institución junto con las comunidades para prevenir la delincuencia juvenil? ¿Cuáles son esas formas? ¿Sabe si en su institución se desarrollan acciones para la operación de un Observatorio Ciudadano o Consejo ciudadano? ¿Su institución tiene una política dirigida a los jóvenes? 16. ¿Qué acciones preventivas cree que serían las más eficaces para resolver el problema de la delincuencia juvenil? 17. ¿Qué acciones de control cree que se podrían tomar para tratar el problema de la delincuencia juvenil? 18. ¿Ha elaborado usted (o su institución) instrumentos auxiliares como “mapas de crimen” en las comunidades donde le toca trabajar? 19. ¿Existe en mencionar CIUDAD un programa de Convivencia Pacífica? ¿Qué sabe de este programa? ¿Participa usted en este programa? ¿En qué forma? [Dejarle explicar, con ejemplos, detalles] ¿Hasta qué punto cree usted que ha tenido éxito el Programa de Convivencia Pacífica? ¿Por qué opina que sí [o no] ha tenido éxito? ¿Qué evidencia hay del éxito [o falta de éxito] de él? 20. ¿Hay un programa de prevención que involucra la ayuda de los jóvenes en colaborar con la policía/Centros de rehabilitación/Tutelares (según sea el caso) para prevenir delitos? En algunos países se llama “Jóvenes Contra el Delito”, algo parecido al Vecino Vigilante, pero se incorpora la cooperación de los jóvenes. Hay algo de este tipo, parecido, en mencionar CIUDAD? ¿Qué sabe de este program? ¿Cómo funciona? ¿Qué ha logrado hasta el momento, según su entender? 21. ¿Existe en mencionar CIUDAD el programa “YYYY”? ¿Qué sabe al respecto? 22. ¿Ha oído de un programa enfocado en jóvenes el que se llama ZZZZ? ¿Qué sabe de este programa? ¿Hasta qué punto ha tenido éxito? 22a. ¿Ha notado usted algún cambio (mejoría) a partir de la instalación de alguno de estos programas? ¿Cree usted que han funcionado en este último par de años? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 192 C. Actividades de toma de denuncia (10 minutos) 23. Hablando ahora de la toma de denuncia y atención ciudadana, ¿existen en mencionar CIUDAD Centros de Denuncia? ¿A dónde acude la comunidad a denunciar? (Centros de Denuncia/Ministerio Público) ¿Cómo es el trato que se les da? ¿Qué delitos son los que denuncian? *Si las comunidades no tienen acceso a tales oficinas de denuncia, ¿a dónde van las personas para hacer las denuncias? 21. ¿Por qué será que hay personas que no denuncian los delitos? ¿Qué obstáculos enfrentan? ¿Por qué será que hay personas que ni llaman a la policía para informar de un delito? 22. Cuando alguien de alguna comunidad viene a la unidad policial para hacer una denuncia, ¿qué tipo de seguimiento y supervisión da su institución a la denuncia? 22b. Hablando ahora de las víctimas del delito, ¿Qué tipo de atención se da a las víctimas de delitos? 23. ¿Existen otros mecanismos o lugares a dónde puede acudir una persona para hacer una denuncia? SI ¿Cómo funciona, en qué consiste? D. Características de las comunidades de intervención (10 mints) 25. ¿Usted se da cuenta de los problemas que las comunidades consideran prioritarios? 26. En el caso de mencionar CIUDAD, ¿cuáles son los problemas prioritarios que identifican? 27. ¿Qué tipos de problemas sociales en general enfrentan las colonias de mencionar CIUDAD? 28. ¿Cuáles son los problemas de violencia y delincuencia que existen en estas comunidades? ¿Cuáles son los delitos más comunes en estas comunidades? 28. ¿Cuáles son los factores de riesgo social y situacional que amenazan a la comunidad? 29. ¿Qué tan violentas son las comunidades de mencionar CIUDAD? 30. ¿Quiénes son los que cometen estos actos de violencia? 31. ¿Cuáles son las comunidades menos peligrosas en que usted trabaja? ¿Y las más peligrosas? 32. ¿Qué porcentaje de los delincuentes que viven en las comunidades son personas que fueron deportadas/transitan a los Estados Unidos? ¿Cómo impactan estas personas la convivencia en el barrio? 33. ¿Qué porcentaje de ellos han salido directamente de cárceles? (la menor parte, la mayoría, la mitad). ¿Cómo impactan estas personas la convivencia en el barrio? 34.¿Qué y quienes causan mayores problema a los habitantes problemas en mencionar CIUDAD? E. Acciones pandillas (30 mints) 34. ¿Hay pandillas en las comunidades en que usted trabaja? ¿Cuáles son? 35. ¿Qué tipos de delitos cometen los pandilleros en mencionar CIUDAD? Los pandilleros que viven en las comunidades donde usted trabaja, ¿hay algunos que han sido deportados o encarcelados en los Estados Unidos? ¿Qué delitos habían cometido en los Estados Unidos? ¿Qué estatus tienen estas personas entre sus compañeros pandilleros? ¿Tienen un rol especial en las pandillas? 36. ¿Cómo sabe usted si un joven es pandillero al verlo en la calle, qué características lo identifican como pandillero? [Sondear: Ropa, tatuajes, corte de pelo] ¿Los pandilleros tienen una forma de hablar especial de ellos? ¿Cómo es? ¿Usan una forma de comunicación no verbal -con las manos, gestos- especial? ¿Me las puede describir? 37. Y si es niña o mujer, ¿cuáles son las características que señalan que ella es miembro de alguna pandilla? ¿Qué trato le dan las pandillas a las mujeres? ¿la policía trata igual a hombres que a mujeres de una pandilla? Impact Evaluation Report - Mexico 193 38. ¿Por qué, cree usted, se meten los jóvenes en las pandillas? ¿A qué edad lo hacen? 39. Y las niñas y mujeres, ¿por qué se meten en ellas? 40. ¿Hasta qué edad se quedan en las pandillas? 41. ¿Hay manera de salir de una pandilla? ¿Cuál es la manera? ¿la policía tiene alguna programa para sacar a mujeres u hombres de las pandillas? 42. Cuando usted ve grafitis (manchas), ¿los entiende? ¿Sabe qué significado tienen y a quién se dirigen estos mensajes? [Sondear: A otra pandilla? A los miembros de la misma pandilla? A la Policía?] 43. Hablando ahora de las bandas del crimen organizado, ¿Qué hacen? 44. ¿En qué forma son distintas a las pandillas? ¿En qué forma son parecidas? O sea, ¿qué tienen en común las bandas del crimen organizado con las pandillas? ¿hay otros grupos delincuenciales que no se identifican como pandillas ni como grupos de delincuencia organizada ? 45. Para los pandilleros que salen de las cárceles después de haber cumplido con su sentencia, ¿hay programas de rehabilitación? ¿Hay suficientes para todos los que salen de los cárceles? ¿Qué tipos de rehabilitación se ofrecen? 46. Para los pandilleros menores, ¿hay suficientes Centros de rehabilitación? ¿Qué tipos actividades ofrecen estos Centros? 47. ¿Cómo es la relación entre las pandillas y el crimen organizado? 48. ¿Ha presenciado altercados o enfrentamientos entre estos? 49. ¿Cómo se siente ante la presencia del crimen organizado en mencionar CIUDAD? 49a. ¿Cree usted que en los últimos dos años ha habido algún cambio a partir de los nuevos programas puestos a funcionar con respecto a los jóvenes y el crimen organizado? F. Actividades de coordinación y participación comunitaria (10 mints) 50. ¿Realiza usted actividades en conjunto y coordinadamente con las comunidades? [Sondear-- ¿Cuáles por ejemplo?] 51. ¿Planifica usted, juntamente con los líderes comunitarios, servicios sociales o acciones preventivas? 52. ¿Hay algunas responsabilidades que su institución comparte con los líderes comunitarios en las comunidades en que usted trabaja? 53. ¿Qué tipos de líderes son? (líderes de centros comunitarios, sacerdotes/pastores, maestros) 54. ¿Ha establecido usted contactos con miembros de las comunidades en que usted trabaja, que sirvan de informantes sobre hechos de delincuencia y violencia? ¿Con qué frecuencia conversa usted con estas personas? G. Cierre (10 mints) 56. ¿Qué opina usted del rol del Ejército en prevenir la delincuencia? ¿De hecho el Ejército desempeña el rol de prevenir delincuencia en mencionar CIUDAD? ¿Qué hace exactamente? 57. ¿Ha habido casos en mencionar CIUDAD de linchamientos (o sea, hacer justicia con la propia mano) los últimos 12 meses? ¿Por qué motivo hubo estos linchamientos, cree usted? 58. ¿Cree que hay medidas legales que entorpecen su labor? 59. ¿Qué medidas está tomando la ciudad para prevenir el delito. 60. ¿Hay algo más que quisiera usted agregar a todo esto que hemos platicado durante esta reunión? ¿Algo que no hayamos mencionado y que considere usted importante? Muchas gracias por su participación.